"Advocates for media freedom have consistently argued that corruption goes down when journalists operating in a free media environment are able to expose the excesses of governmental leaders. An evolving body of research finds evidence to support this assertion. Measurement of corruption is a compli
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cated undertaking, and it has received little attention in this literature. This paper focuses on perceptual measures of corruption based on public opinion surveys. It attempts to replicate the finding of a negative relationship between media freedom and corruption using multiple measures of media freedom. The findings challenge the general argument that media freedom unambiguously is associated with lower levels of corruption." (Abstract)
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"This Tool is not a true how-to manual, although it offers detailed suggestions from leading journalists on innovative ways to use a vast and growing trove of public records and independent media networks. The flood of information in today’s inter-connected world creates an opportunity for journal
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ists focused on corruption, and this document provides advice for extracting that information and explaining what it means to the public. It also places great emphasis on the need for ethics, accountability and accuracy that distinguish professional investigative reporting from an increasing number of online and social media sites that often publish information without the depth and context such efforts require. Most of the measures outlined have been long practiced and taught by respected journalists and academics. This document also takes a step further, introducing innovative suggestions, such as standardizing computer records across nations, enlisting lawyers to work pro-bono with journalists, and increasing the use of cross-border journalism networks and evidence-based activism." (Page 8)
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"It is clear that corruption is considered an important issue by South Africans. It is frequently cited as a critical issue facing the country, and many people believe that there are high levels of corruption in various parts of government. At the same time however, the incidence of bribery appears
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to be relatively low when compared to the perceived corruption figures. This may be because people are reluctant to admit to paying bribes and therefore the incidence of bribery may be under-reported. In addition, people may think of nepotism, procurement fraud, and other misuse of state resources when asked about corruption, rather than considering only petty bribery. This is a second potential explanation for the differences between perceptions and reality appearing from the survey results. Finally, in the fight against corruption, opinions on the performance of government appear to have remained fairly constant over the past ten years, whereas the role of the media is considered more important now than it was a few years ago." (Conclusion, page 7)
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"This book sheds light on the growing phenomenon of cyberactivism in the Arab world, with a special focus on the Egyptian political blogosphere and its role in paving the way to democratization and socio-political change in Egypt, which culminated in Egypt's historical popular revolution." (Publishe
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r descripton)
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"Bangladeshi media have undergone significant changes since the 1990s. Despite a boom in the media industry, journalists are reluctant to uncover the misdeeds of politicians because of threats and torture. The media has been politicised in Bangladesh as media supporting the incumbent party in power
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work towards exposing the perceived misdeeds of the opposition. However, the empirical data show that there is a third category beyond this paradigm, which uncovers the political misdeeds across the parties to the wider populace." (Abstract)
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"We construct measures of the extent to which the four main newspapers in Argentina report government corruption on their front page during the period 1998–2007 and correlate them with government advertising. The correlation is negative. The size is considerable—a one standard deviation increase
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in monthly government advertising is associated with a reduction in the coverage of the government’s corruption scandals of 0.23 of a front page per month, or 18 percent of a standard deviation in coverage. The results are robust to the inclusion of newspaper, month, newspaper × president and individualcorruption scandal fixed effects, as well as newspaper × president specific time trends." (Abstract)
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"Este informe examina las razones por las cuales la joven democracia mexicana no ha podido enfrentar las fuentes de su corrupción interna y la larga cultura de evasión e inacción. Vamos también a analizar las fallas del estado a proteger los periodistas de la extrema violencia que ellos enfrenta
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n, por parte de organizaciones de narcotráfico y agentes estatales corruptos, quienes cometen los mas visibles ataques a la libertad de expresión, gozando de una impunidad casi absoluta. Este informe concluye que México esta violando una cantidad de obligaciones de derecho internacional de los derechos humanos, incluyendo el derecho a la vida y a la libertad de expresión." (Resumen ejecutivo, página 6)
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"This book highlights the importance of the news media as watchdogs, agenda setters and gatekeepers for the quality of democratic deliberation in the public sphere. At the same time, it theorizes that the capacity of journalists and media systems to fulfill these roles depends on the broader context
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determined by the profession, the market and the state. Media systems' performance often falls far short of the ideals, as succesive case studies from different world regions demonstrate. Finally, the book asks what policy interventions work effectively to close the gap between the democratic promise and perfomance of the news media as an institution. The final chapter, "Policy recommendations", concludes (page 406): "Interventions include reforms directed at strengthening the journalistic profession, notably institutional capacity building, through bodies such as press councils, press freedom advocacy NGOs, and organizations concerned with journalistic training and accreditation. Other important reforms seek to overcome market failures, including developing a regulatory framework for media systems to ensure pluralism of ownership and diversity of contents. Finally, policies also address the role of the state, including deregulation to shift state-run broadcasting to public service broadcasting, overseen by independent broadcasting regulatory bodies, and the protection of constitutional principles of freedom of the press, speech, and expression." (commbox)
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"This paper provides a practical overview of how an agency may work with the media to win the support of the public in the fight against corruption. The first part explains why anti-corruption agencies need to take the media particularly seriously, how the media communicate, and what effects they ha
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ve on the public. Case studies illustrate all of these points—showing, for instance, how the media can distort the reality of corruption by following their own preformed perceptions of a corruption case. Government agencies can set things straight only by providing sufficient and clear information, and by working closely with the media to ensure the message is accurate.
The second part of the paper focuses on the role of public opinion in the fight against corruption. Public opinion can be a powerful tool in promoting an agency’s work—or in bringing about its downfall. If citizens misunderstand the issue, they are unlikely to support the fight against corruption. But if public opinion is in favor of an anti-corruption agency the people are able to change their country’s culture. The media can shape public opinion and, most of all, change norms about corruption. Here is an example: Communication campaigns can show that it not only is illegal to pay bribes to public officials, but also is immoral and does real harm to the community. This message can encourage the public to change the expectation of bribes and to resist demands for them—one more step in the fight against corruption. In India, for instance, anti-corruption efforts led to the printing of the “zero-rupee” note with a picture of Gandhi on its face. These notes were given to bribe seekers to shame them.
In the context of public opinion, it also is important that anti-corruption agencies understand the role of journalism and the conditions under which journalists work. Their reporting directly influences the perceptions and opinions of the public. Because of economic and other pressures, journalists often tend to simplify or dramatize stories—and that can produce the wrong perceptions among their audiences. Again, this paper provides real-world stories that show the impact of journalism on public opinion." (Introduction, pages 1-3)
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"The book’s narrative structure intentionally uses minimal theoretical academic abstractions. Instead, it adopts a pragmatic approach – journalistic to an extent – to speculate what works best for journalists in Asia given the political constraints and resource limitations that many are compel
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led to work under, and which journalists in richer developed countries would take for granted. As the title of the book implies, speculative discussions, commentaries and interviews with journalists aim to rediscover “development journalism” as a viable model for working out the recognisable benchmarks of best practice in the Asian context. Case studies and interviews were mainly conducted with English language newspapers – excluding the local language community radio, which is arguably the most influential medium in developing societies – for no other reason than language accessibility." (Prologue, page xv)
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"This paper explores the linkages between debates about corruption and the role of the media in Africa. It advances arguments about how citizens in Africa encounter corruption – both grand and petty – and how they perceive it, as well as factors that may contribute to the development of corrupt
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practices. These reflections are then linked to a discussion of how the press in Africa deals with corruption and whether the media may serve as a strong deterrent in combating this form of criminal behaviour." (Abstract)
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"Following the money trail has become an increasingly global undertaking that requires new tools for obtaining, analyzing and interpreting the data. This handbook highlights a few methods that can be used by investigative journalists to track companies across borders. It also points out tips and tri
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cks investigators can use to effectively untangle complicated company ownership schemes. Attached to this report is a list of national and international databases that can be used by investigative journalists who want to track down companies across borders." (Introduction, page 4)
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"In this handbook we aim to define the issues of corruption, put them into the context of Sri Lanka, and explore the media’s role in exposing corruption and encouraging accountability. We present and analyse the findings of our research into corruption investigative reporting (CIR) in the Sri Lank
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an media – the experiences of Sri Lankan reporters, how they perceive their role and responsibility when it comes to corruption. We define investigative journalism and explore the qualities, skills and tools that make a good investigative reporter. Case studies are integrated into the handbook to help illustrate corruption and CIR in action." (How to use this handbook)
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"As part of a broader analysis of corruption in emergencies, the U4 Anti-Corruption Resource Centre initiated a dialogue on the role(s) of the media. On 30 May 2006, a working meeting held at NORAD offices in Oslo brought together donors, NGOs and journalists, including media practitioners from Sri
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Lanka, Liberia and Nepal. The purpose was to draw on actual case studies to suggest ways in which humanitarian agencies and the media can mutually support responsible coverage of corruption in emergency aid. Recommendations to donors, humanitarian agencies, and both local and international media are presented at the end of this report." (Back cover)
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"The Legal and Human Rights Centre (LHRC) in Dar es Salaam and World Comics- Finland arranged a joint comics workshop in April 2003 in Dar es Salaam. The workshop trained 18 cartoonists and comics artists in how to make anti-corruption campaign comics in close collaboration with an organisation. The
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artists had been chosen from among the the members of Tanzania Popular Media Association (TAPOMA). LHRC provided the professional knowledge on corruption issues. The participants made three to six pages long stories, which are all collected in this report." (Page 1)
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