"Internet freedom around the world has declined for the fifth consecutive year, with more governments censoring information of public interest and placing greater demands on the private sector to take down offending content. State authorities have also jailed more users for their online writings, wh
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ile criminal and terrorist groups have made public examples of those who dared to expose their activities online. This was especially evident in the Middle East, where the public flogging of liberal bloggers, life sentences for online critics, and beheadings of internet-based journalists provided a powerful deterrent to the sort of digital organizing that contributed to the Arab Spring. In a new trend, many governments have sought to shift the burden of censorship to private companies and individuals by pressing them to remove content, often resorting to direct blocking only when those measures fail. Local companies are especially vulnerable to the whims of law enforcement agencies and a recent proliferation of repressive laws. But large, international companies like Google, Facebook, and Twitter have faced similar demands due to their significant popularity and reach." (Page 1)
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"Egypt’s plummeting press freedom is in part a result of the many ways in which the state can put pressure on independent media under Egyptian law. While the January 2014 constitution contains clear protections for the media (including, under Article 71, bans on censorship and surveillance), many
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of the oppressive laws imposed under Mubarak remain in place. These include provisions against defamation, blasphemy, and promotion of extremism, and the list is growing longer. One pending draft law prohibits publication of information pertaining to the armed forces without permission, and violators would be subject to stiff new criminal penalties. Another draft law would criminalize publication of information that contradicts the government line in terrorism matters. In many cases, these repressive laws are backed up by violence. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) conservatively estimates that 10 journalists have been killed in connection with their work since 2011, and reports that a record number of journalists are sitting in Egyptian jails. Egypt has more than five hundred newspapers, magazines, journals, and other publications. While many of these titles are owned by the Egyptian state, many others are privately owned. Most publications struggle financially; the country’s economic collapse has forced both state and private newspapers to implement deep budget cuts, though as of 2014, no major news outlet was forced to close its doors. In addition to their lack of resources, independent news organizations suffer from a lack of advocates. Organizations charged with representing journalists’ interests before the government, such as the Egyptian Journalist Syndicate, are reliant on state funding and have consequently proven to be ineffective guardians of press freedom." (Overview, page 2)
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"The three case studies depict a range of repressive efforts that are calibrated to achieve particular ends. Sometimes, the authorities choose to co-opt independent voices. In other instances, the regime may create new government-backed versions of media initiatives or civic organizations which mimi
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c the form but not the substance of their authentic counterparts. Some techniques emphasize regulatory controls, while others utilize economic or financial pressure. All three regimes rely on broadly worded laws to punish critics and encourage self-censorship. State-run media remain dominant sources of information for most of the population in each country, and are used by the authorities as a weapon to tarnish and subvert the work of civil society activists and independent journalists." (Introduction, page 8)
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"Almost half (49%) of all Russians believe that information on the Internet needs to be censored; a plurality (42%) of Russians believe foreign countries are using the Internet against Russia and its interests. About one-quarter of Russians think the Internet threatens political stability (24%); abo
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ut four out of five Russians (81%) stated a negative feeling toward calls to protest against the government and change political leadership; the Russian government and the Russian security service were virtually tied in the percentage of Russians (42% and 41% respectively) that cited these organizations as trusted regulators of the Internet; 51% of Russian believe the primary motivation of government legislation creating a blacklist of websites is the maintenance of political stability versus 13% who believe the primarily motivation was limiting democratic freedoms." (Website CGCS)
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"The data in this report was collected between December 20, 2014 and February 2, 2015 and represents the views of 1161 respondents from that time. The goal of the project is to understand how people in Turkey perceive and value the debate over Internet freedoms in Turkey and how they employ the Inte
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rnet and social media as alternative information resources within a heavily censored mass media environment." (Page 2)
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"How is freedom of expression in Pakistan’s digital spaces governed? What protections do journalists and bloggers enjoy? What is censored and how conducive is the environment for political and religious expression online? This research looks at these questions within the premise of an internationa
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l framework on freedom of expression drafted by Frank La Rue, former United Nations Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression. This report on the State of Internet Freedoms in Pakistan forms part of a baseline research conducted by the project APC-IMPACT (India, Malaysia, Pakistan Advocacy for Change through Technology), which aims to address restrictions on the internet by promoting and protecting internet rights." (Back cover)
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"This paper does suggest that child abuse content is the most popular type of content on the Tor Dark Net. While law enforcement may crawl such sites, the number of requests that would be seen would be only a tiny fraction, and hence not skew the outline ratios. Similarly, denial of service attacks
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were not observed and so are also unlikely to account for the high requests. The usage of Tor2Web may underrepresent some categories, but it is not currently clear whether, or why, such groups would exclusively use this tool." (Page 9)
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"Despite being a heavily-censored society, China has over 560 million active internet users, more than double that of the USA. In this book, social media expert and China-watcher Liz Carter tells the story of how the internet in China is leading to a coming together of activists, ordinary people and
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cultural trendsetters on a scale unknown in modern history. News about protests and natural disasters, or gossip and satirical jokes, are practically uncensorable and spread quickly through Weibo – the Chinese Twitter - and the Chinese internet underground. More than that, a grassroots, foundational shift of assumptions and expectations is taking place, as Chinese men and women cast off the communist era ‘stability at all costs’ mantra and find new forms of selfexpression, creativity and communication with the world." (Publisher description)
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"Network shutdowns are usually justified on security grounds, and the counterargument is often framed around the impact on freedom of expression. However, the impacts of network shutdowns can have far-reaching, adverse economic and social implications and could affect future economic growth; further
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more, they can actually endanger the very right it seeks to preserve, the right to life, by denying users the ability to connect to family, health and emergency services. Although the Government of Pakistan faces grave internal threats and serious security situations, concerns that network shutdowns are becoming the go-to tool are growing. More effective strategies to prevent attacks are required. Blunt network shutdowns cannot offer a long-term solution for any country in combatting terrorism or other security threats. ICTs are used by citizens and terrorists alike, but without access to ICTs, law enforcement lose the opportunity to use communications for the purpose of fighting terrorism, and to disseminate important information to move people to safety, or to calm a concerned population." (Conclusion)
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"The Ethiopian government, led by the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), has developed one of the most restrictive systems for the regulation of new media in Africa. So far, most discussion has focused on the measures employed by the EPRDF to prevent the Internet and mobile p
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hones from becoming tools for opposition forces to challenge the regime. Much less attention has been paid to the strategies pursued in order to make new media work in support of the government's ambiguous but ambitious attempt to make Ethiopia a developmental state. Examining the period between 1991 and 2012, this article explores how the EPRDF gradually moved from a simple strategy of information control towards incorporating new media into its state- and nation-building efforts through large-scale projects such as Woredanet and Schoolnet. Larger trends at the international level, including the securitization of development and the growing significance of China in Africa, have legitimated the use of the media to serve development outcomes, and have facilitated the spread of the kind of ‘developmental media system’ that has emerged in Ethiopia. The article concludes that only by engaging with these systems on their own terms and “going with the grain” can we develop a better understanding of how they work and how to change them." (Abstract)
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"Our research confirms that the Persian blogosphere has undergone significant shifts since the late 2000s as a result of a confluence of multiple factors: state intervention, the rise of social networking sites, changes to iran’s socio-political culture, and personal/professional issues. Our study
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finds that these factors have indeed resulted in a general dilution of Blogestan, as indicated by declines in blogging activities and the number of active blogs in our sample. Changes to the internal dynamics of the Persian blogosphere are also evidenced by shifts in blog content, how audiences interact with blogs and bloggers, and blogger-to-blogger relationships.." (Page 3)
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"This report presents an up-to-date assessment of internet rights in Turkey, and has been prepared to coincide with the Internet Governance Forum (IGF) 2014 which is being hosted by Turkey in Istanbul from 2–5 September 2014. The IGF is a space that strives for a democratic and inclusive internet
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and this report assesses the Turkish government’s respect for international human rights standards in relation to freedom of expression online. The assessment [...] focuses on internet regulation, internet access, blocking, surveillance, liability of internet intermediaries, criminalisation of legitimate expression, and cyber-attacks. The report concludes with recommendations for actions to promote and protect an open and free internet in Turkey." (Abstract)
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"Internet freedom around the world has declined for the fourth consecutive year, with a growing number of countries introducing online censorship and monitoring practices that are simultaneously more aggressive and more sophisticated in their targeting of individual users. In a departure from the pa
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st, when most governments preferred a behind-the-scenes approach to internet control, countries are rapidly adopting new laws that legitimize existing repression and effectively criminalize online dissent." (Page 1)
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"The aim of this report is not to question the value of supporting Internet freedom in closed societies such as Iran. Rather, the intent is to provide a picture of how difficult it is to achieve progress in such countries. In times of tightening budgets for media development work, it is worth consid
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ering where best to place one’s bets. While trying to improve access to the Internet for Iranians is a worthy goal in terms of foreign policy and human rights, it is less clear whether such efforts have had much immediate impact in improving Iran’s media landscape, or in convincing the senior leadership that Internet freedom is indeed a worthy pursuit. Looking forward, more work needs to be done to understand what kind of aid policies and approaches are most effective in societies such as Iran. Many donors would like to support the groups that are struggling to maintain open Internet access, and the immediate goal of helping Internet activists preserve some modicum of Internet freedom is clearly a worthy endeavor. The longer term goal will likely require not only preserving as many freedoms as possible now, but also a broader, more integrated program of support to the media sector that includes a combination of technical assistance and engagement with both civil society and the intelligentsia. Until such a wide engagement is possible, the outlook for freedom in Iran will likely remain gloomy." (Conclusion)
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"it is clear that technological innovation will not necessarily enhance freedom of expression; indeed, research from across the many disciplines covered by Internet studies suggests that such fundamental freedoms will be diminished unless we pay more attention to the full array of policy 'games' tha
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t shape outcomes in this area, and the normative frameworks of discourse and theory which provide the values ultimately guiding these games." (Conclusion)
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"Censorship and state control over the Internet in Iran is changing: it is becoming more systemic and less detectable, posing an ever-greater threat to Iranian users. Increasingly, the state is focusing on developing the technological infrastructure to effectively control access to the Internet insi
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de Iran and covertly monitor its use. In effect, the state is attempting to create a wall around the Internet, and to serve as its sole gatekeeper, allowing or denying entry at will and gaining full access to the accounts of those whom it allows in." (Executive summary)
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"This report examines all of the shortcomings of this South American giant’s media landscape. It is based on fact-finding visits to Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo and Brasilia in November 2012. The media topography of the country that is hosting the 2014 World Cup and 2016 Olympics has barely changed
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in the three decades since the end of the 1964-85 military dictatorship. As well as the ten or so major companies that dominate the national media and are mainly based in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, Brazil has many regional media that are weakened by their subordination to the centres of power in the country’s individual states. The editorial independence of both print and broadcast media is above all undermined by their heavy financial reliance on advertising by state governments and agencies." (Publisher description)
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"Since the “Green Movement” protests in 2009, the Iranian regime has adopted increasingly complex surveillance and monitoring techniques, complementing technical filtration tools with legal frameworks and information manipulation. These techniques of control overlap: technical filtering is reinf
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orced by a more constricted legal environment and efforts to “nationalize” Iranian cyberspace. »» ONI testing over the past several years has revealed consistent filtering of websites pertaining to social media, international news channels, non-Shi’ite religions, social and religious taboos, and anything remotely opposed to official government policies. The creation of a “Supreme Council on Cyberspace” indicates the Iranian government’s interest in centralizing their approach towards the Internet as well as their view of cyberspace as a larger security concern. Internet censorship in Iran—culminating in the National Information Network—is framed as a way to protect the nation’s unique culture and identity and defend against the onslaught of Westernization. The Iranian regime considers cyberspace a geopolitical as much as a domestic policy realm. Surveillance and censorship are simultaneously tools of suppression and a means of national defence." (Key findings, page 3)
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