"For nations to make the most of digital technology, governments must play their role. Formal education is becoming increasingly important. Yes, some apps serve illiterate people, but those who read have access to far more information. International discourse is held in languages like English, Frenc
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h and Spanish. Those who only speak a vernacular cannot take full advantage of the World Wide Web.
In its early stages, the digital economy thrived in a largely unregulated sphere. Even in the 1990s, Silicon Valley companies were still known for not doing much lobbying in Washington. Now they are lobbying giants. The anti-trust proceedings against Microsoft were the turning point. In yet another epsiode of economic history, it had become clear that leaving things to market forces would lead to monopolistic dominance. Accordingly, the tech companies now want to shape political discourse. We actually need better international regulation. Profit-maximising corporate giants are running social media platforms that have become indispensable for public debate, at both national and international levels. The companies make the rules. They are free to decide whether they want to ban liars and propagandists, and it is up to them whether they apply their own rules consistently. All too often, they do not. Hate speech remains unchecked in many cases. Antidemocratic propaganda abounds. Content moderation is typically not done in African or Asian languages. Freedom House, the Washington-based pro-democracy initiative, warns that an increasing number of governments are restricting civic liberties online. Human rights are indivisible, however, and need to be defended in international and multilateral settings.
Humanity is facing huge challenges including global heating. Digital technology can help us get a grip on some of the problems. But if we want technology to serve the common good, we cannot simply leave application to market forces. Regulation must not obstruct progress, but it must ensure that oligarchic corporate interests do not become obstructive. And that, obviously, applies to artificial intelligence too." (Editorial page 3)
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"Digital transformations have had catalytic efects on African and European governance, economies, and societies, and will continue to do so. The COVID-19 pandemic has already accelerated the penetration of digital tools all over the globe and is likely to be perceived as a critical juncture in how a
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nd to what purpose the world accepts and uses new and emerging technologies. This book ofers a holistic analysis of how Africa and Europe can manage and harness digital transformation as partners in a globalised world. The authors shed light on issues ranging from economic growth, youth employment, and gender, to regulatory frameworks, business environments, entrepreneurship, and interest-driven power politics. They add much-needed perspectives to the debates that shape the two continents’ digital transformation and innovation environments." (Publisher description)
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"This collection of articles contributes to the growing body of research on how technology is affecting peacebuilding, peace and conflict studies, and research methodologies in the field. Assumptions about the use of technology for peace are interrogated, such as the purported deepening of inclusivi
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ty and widening of participation that technology provides to peacebuilders and communities. It frames the discussion from a peacefocused perspective, providing a response to the work done by others who have focused on the ways technology makes violence more likely." (Abstract)
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"The expansion of access to mobile phones in the developing world has provided new opportunities for development and peacebuilding institutions to reach communities, and for communities to develop local development and peacebuilding solutions. Kenya has seen a particularly high concentration of prog
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ramming geared towards using mobile phones for banking, election monitoring and violence prevention, using crowdsourcing methods to collect and share information. While there have been a number of notable crowdsourcing programmes that have been successful at preventing violence, there remains limited theorisation in the peacebuilding community about why these successes occurred. Using Fearon and Laitin’s (1996) models of inter-ethnic cooperation, intra-group organising and inter-group policing, we explore whether success in crowdsourcing for violence prevention is a function of direct intra-community organising, or is an outcome of previously unavailable information being broadcast on traditional media such as radio." (Abstract)
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"This paper will critically explore why mobile phones have drawn so much interest from the conflict management community in Kenya, and develop a general set of factors to explain why mobile phones can have a positive effect on conflict prevention efforts generally. Focusing on theories of informatio
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n asymmetry and security dilemmas, collective action problems, and the role of third party actors in conflict prevention, it aims to continue the discussion around Pierskalla and Hollenbach’s recent research on mobile phones and conflict risk. Given the successful, high profile uses of mobile phone-based violence prevention in Kenya I will identify a set of political and social factors that contribute to the success of crowdsourcing programs that use mobile phones, and explain what makes them transferable across cases for conflict prevention in other countries. The primary findings are that a population must prefer non-violence since technology is a magnifier of human intent, that the events of violence start and stop relative to specific events, the population knows to use their phones to share information about potential violence, and that there are third party actors involved in collecting and validating the crowdsourced data." (Abstract)
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