"Turning the tide on the killing of journalists involves several steps, but primarily it is a matter of having the political will to acknowledge the issue as important and ending the impunity for those responsible for the violence. These steps include: following through on making attacks on the medi
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a, particularly murders, a federal rather than a state or local crime, in order to remove the investigations from often corrupt or intimidated local law enforcement groups. This fundamental legal change would be significant in ending the cycle of impunity and the botched investigations that currently feed the violence; strengthening the special prosecutor’s office, with additional funding and staff, to more effectively go after those accused of these crimes; forming a common front in the media to tackle the problems of security for journalists and the risks of reporting on transnational organized crime; persuading national opinion leaders to speak out about the violence and its impact on society; targeting international aid specifically for the protection of journalists." (Executive summary, page 6-7)
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"Over time the governments of Nicaragua, Venezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador have shown a growing willingness to shrug off even the harshest criticism from usually friendly forums such as the OAS and UNESCO. As the media is forced into silence and the independence of the judiciary is weakened, there are
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fewer and fewer options to induce these governments to change their behavior [...] Despite the seeming indifference of the leaders of the Bolivarian states to how their record on press freedom is perceived internationally, it is worth noting that the governments still respond to criticism, particularly if it does not come from the United States. One of the most effective tools remains sensitivity to the perceptions of Latin American colleagues and European leaders." (Conclusions, page 29)
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"The People's Republic of China is seeking to influence the media in Latin America, Africa, and Southeast Asia through a variety of means: direct aid to state-run media in the form of radio transmitters and financing for national satellites; the provision of content and technology to allies and pote
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ntial allies; the sharing of news; and training programs and expense-paid trips for journalists to China. This effort has accompanied a massive expansion of the PRC’s own media internationally, primarily through the Xinhua news agency, satellite and Internet TV channels, and state run television services. It comes at a time when resources for media assistance in some regions of the world–notably Latin America–are becoming scarcer. Chinese news media, far less independent than Western media, form the basis for China’s media assistance, which emphasizes cooperation with governments–many of them undemocratic–and rejects the Western media’s role as watchdogs holding governments accountable. China’s moves pose troubling questions for those in the Western media assistance sector. As the Chinese government propagates a less-than-free model of journalism and assists undemocratic regimes by supporting media that buttress them, advocates of free media and democratic government should take note. Media developers and donors might consider countering these developments with more robust support for independent media in the countries where China is assisting news media. This might include more programs in investigative journalism, ethics, and internationally recognized journalism standards, as well as support for digital media infrastructure, such as broadband Internet access in developing countries to provide citizens with increased access to information." (Conclusion)
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