"Much has been made of the role of various media in the shaping of conflicts and political agendas in today's Arab world. This volume examines this topic with interdisciplinary contributions that range across media studies, anthroplogy, religious studies, and political science and explore both new a
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nd older media forms." (Publisher description)
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"Since 1985, the Lebanese Hezbollah has developed a centralized communications apparatus which was a major instrument in building its leadership in the Shiite community. My contribution intends to explore the main media of this party as both cognitive and political resources for mobilization and as
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spaces for the involvement of its activists, sympathizers and cadres. In doing so, it revisits the social history of this political formation and examines its modes of organization and related tensions." (Abstract)
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"The reorganisation of radio broadcasting in the five Arab countries we have looked at is a slow, unequal, up-and-down and unfinished process. It is unfinished in that some states (Egypt and Syria), still have not published the conditions for awarding broadcasting licenses, even though some independ
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ent stations have received authorisation. The beneficiary stations thus have no real legal status, but are private businesses broadcasting music, and refraining from broadcasting news. The stations seem to be of most benefit to businessmen close to the authorities, and are more a part of the process of State privatisation than media democratisation. There is a general lack of transparency, and very little information is available about these radio stations. Journalists know little about the shareholders, working conditions in the stations and how they are organised. The legal vacuum will no doubt eventually be filled in these two countries. But, for the time being, radio broadcasting in Egypt and Syria remains totally under the control of the authorities. Lebanon is a special case. By allowing radio and television stations to be privately owned, Lebanon has essentially brought an existing state of affairs within the law, since these independent stations did not wait for the 1996 law to be passed before going on the air. Nevertheless, the various attempts to prevent religious interests from controlling the media have so far failed, and the political stations are a direct mirror of the country’s religious polarities. Every political/religious party has its own radio station (and television channel), which it uses to support its political choices. And the only non-religious station, Sawt Al-Shab, is close to the Lebanese Communist Party. Despite their vulnerability, the Palestinian and Jordanian experiments are without doubt the most promising. The legal framework is restrictive, in these two countries, but the privatelyowned stations are pushing back the boundaries of news broadcasting, are helping to render the media more autonomous, and introducing a relative degree of democracy in the field of information. But these experiments remain dependent on the unstable political context and resulting legal restrictions. The new legislation is more favourable to entertainment stations and benefits businessmen close to the authorities, leaving little space for civil society radio projects to develop." (Conclusion, page 42)
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"La 'guerre préventive' contre l'Irak, dans le sillage des attentats du 11 septembre 2001, est sans conteste l'un des faits les plus médiatisés de l'histoire de l'humanité. Jamais les préparatifs d'une guerre n'ont été aussi abondamment décrits et jamais son déroulement n'a été ainsi tran
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smis en direct par le truchement de cohortes de journalistes. Partout, les médias se sont ingéniés à relater dans ses moindres rebondissements le faux suspense diplomatique d'avant le 20 mars 2003, à spéculer longuement sur la probabilité et la date de déclenchement de l'intervention, à mobiliser une armada d'experts capables de disserter avec aplomb sur les armes de destruction massives irakiennes et les bunkers de Saddam tout en n'en sachant rien ou presque [...] C'est pourquoi cette guerre offre un matériau inédit pour une analyse critique du comportement des médias dominants. Les contestations de rue que la perspective puis le déclenchement de la guerre ont provoquées, les doutes et le déficit de légitimité entourant l'aventure états-unienne, le malaise des régimes arabes craignant une extension de l'ingérence des Etats-Unis dans leurs propres territoires, les critiques émanant de certains gouvernements européens ont placé le champ médiatique face à un conflit qui résiste fortement à la simplification. A travers six contributions, où les auteurs décrivent en fait six guerres différentes vues de six postes d'observation distincts (les Etats-Unis, la France, Israël, la Turquie, l'Irak lui-même et la chaîne panarabe Al Jazira), le livre explore les modes de restitution des mots et des images de la guerre. Il tente de resituer les médias dans le cadre des enjeux de pouvoir nationaux. Il explicite leur rôle dans la mobilisation du consentement ou de l'opposition à la guerre." (https://www.actes-sud.fr)
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