"Women on the air are usually viewed through a traditional model - in the context of their relationship to their husbands or children – and not as individual beings with a broad range of interests and needs. As a result, radio does not currently meet the needs of women, and women do not participat
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e as much as they would normally otherwise be willing to do. For the latest generation of young women, it has become easier to overcome traditional cultural obstacles as well as to embrace the newest technologies that allow them access to a public platform. However it is still difficult to get ordinary women – of all ages – to come and talk on the radio about their experiences, opinions and interests. This will not change without an increase in women radio presenters and contributors – more women's voices need to be broadcast, and outside of the stereotypical contexts, to encourage greater female ownership in community radio." (Executive summary)
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"Sierra Leone‘s brutal civil war devastated the country‘s population and left its infrastructure in disarray. Over the last decade, international organizations have provided financial and technical assistance to many areas of society, including journalists and the media. Media assistance program
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s, or MAPs, are designed to promote democratization and development by fostering a free and independent press. This free press – also known as the fourth estate – is intended to disseminate accurate and unbiased information upon which citizens can base informed choices in their personal and political lives. In this thesis, it is first argued that current underlying political and socio-economic conditions in Sierra Leone prevent the emergence of a true fourth estate, despite the efforts of MAPs. Secondly, it is argued that MAPs could have a greater impact through a more holistic approach to media assistance, engaging in institution-building to target the root causes of Sierra Leone‘s biased and politicized media landscape." (Abstract)
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"L'Afrique dans son ensemble : 28 chapitres présentant le continent par rapport au reste du monde. Tous les aspects de la géographie physique : relief, hydrographie, climat, végétation, et aussi l'histoire, les religions, les langues. L'Afrique par régions. Les cartes de localisation avec visua
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lisation géopolitique aisée, toponymie française et toponymie des Nations unies, indexation. L'Afrique pays par pays. Par ordre alphabétique les cinquante-quatre Etats du continent et les territoires dépendants (La Réunion, Mayotte, Ceuta et Melilla, etc...) - Nombreuses cartes illustrant : relief, hydrographie, agriculture, pêche et élevage, commerce, industries et ressources du sous-sol." (Description de la maison d'édition)
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"Relying heavily on scores of first-hand accounts collected through interviews, the studies examine the practice of public diplomacy largely from the perspective of American practitioners in different countries. The analyses follow the standard field officer approach, asking systematically: what iss
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ues in local public opinion should we be addressing; who should we engage; how can we best engage them; and how well are the programs working? This is an ongoing process at every field post, involving local staff and constant attention to contacts. The studies in this book focus on field operations during one period of time, broadly from the end of the Bush administration to the early Obama administration, so comparisons can be made between them to determine which practices are common and which are unique [...] The first chapters in this book offer analyses of public diplomacy operations in specific countries in Europe, Africa, Southwest Asia, and Asia. Four other chapters focus directly on the specific question being asked by practitioners and scholars today: What is the role of the new media in public diplomacy? Two chapters present findings that advance our understanding of the role of the private sector, and the parallel roles of the State Department and the Peace Corps. The final chapter summarizes best practices from recent field experiences." (Preface, page x)
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"Around the developing world, political leaders face a dilemma: the very information and communication technologies that boost economic fortunes also undermine power structures. Globally, one in ten internet users is a Muslim living in a populous Muslim community. In these countries, young people ar
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e developing their political identities—including a transnational Muslim identity—online. In countries where political parties are illegal, the internet is the only infrastructure for democratic discourse. In others, digital technologies such as mobile phones and the internet have given key actors an information infrastructure that is independent of the state. And in countries with large Muslim communities, mobile phones and the internet are helping civil society build systems of political communication independent of the state and beyond easy manipulation by cultural or religious elites. This book looks at the role that communications technologies play in advancing democratic transitions in Muslim countries. As such, its central question is whether technology holds the potential to substantially enhance democracy. Certainly, no democratic transition has occurred solely because of the internet. But, as the book argues, no democratic transition can occur today without the internet. According to this book, the major (and perhaps only meaningful) forum for civic debate in most Muslim countries today is online. Activists both within diasporic communities and within authoritarian states—including Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan—are the drivers of this debate, which centers around issues such as the interpretation of Islamic texts, gender roles, and security issues. Drawing upon material from interviews with telecommunications policy makers and activists in Azerbaijan, Egypt, Tajikistan, and Tanzania and a comparative study of seventy-four countries with large Muslim populations, this book demonstrates that these forums have been the means to organize activist movements that have lead to successful democratic insurgencies." (Publisher description)
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"For almost twenty years, United Nations peacekeeping missions have set up local radio stations in conflict-prone countries - 14 to date, seven of which remain in operation. According to this report, some of the fourteen peacekeeping radio stations implemented by the United Nations contributed more
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to democratisation and media development in certain post-conflict countries than any other media assistance programmes. Surveys have confirmed their popularity and credibility with national audiences, and local journalists have lauded their contributions to media diversity and journalism standards. Nevertheless, Bill Orme states that the UN radios were created without long-term planning. Upon disappearance of UN peacekeeping missions the stations were simply closed, therefore losing their positive effects on democratisation and plurality. Only in Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of Congo (Radio Okapi) were there serious attempts to continue the stations after the exit of the UN missions. Based on detailed description and analysis of the different experiences, Orme formulates a number of policy steps that would help UN radios to become lasting contributions to press freedom and peacekeeping." (CAMECO Update 2-2010)
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"This five-page report details the results of an evaluation of four community radio stations in rural Sierra Leone and Liberia. The evaluation focused on areas still struggling to achieve meaningful development in a post-conflict setting and was designed to assess the relationships between drivers o
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f development and community radio stations. The study found that community radios are significantly impacting development in their communities via relationships with local and international non-governmental organisations (NGOs).
The study included an analysis of current radio programming for its impact on local development processes, while an audience survey and focus groups were used to better understand audience perceptions and uses of local radio. Stations were also evaluated on their capacity as independent development agents with an eye towards ongoing peacebuilding functions. According to the report, the impact of community radios falls into two categories: support for programme implementation leading to improved efficacy, broader reach, accountability, and community feedback; and regular airing of education and awareness programming - yielding results in changing attitudes and behaviours. The study found that the community stations had a positive and engaged relationship with local government as well as civil society organisations. Overall, the study found that community radio plays a central role in disseminating information related to development and in improving development outcomes through partnerships at all levels.
The study found that sensitisation and awareness programmes were often cited as audiences' favourites, as was interactive, public forum programming. A majority of listeners credited community radio stations with improving basic living conditions and encouraging an attitude of community responsibility and pride. Audiences also expressed a desire for expanded broadcast times. Station leadership was found to be the single overriding factor determining a station's impact and effectiveness.
According to the report, the stations also positively contributed to peacebuilding in their communities. Listeners reported a high impact from programmes that address peace and nonviolent conflict resolution. Community stations in all locations were also described as active participants in diffusing potential violent crises. It was found that radio helps marginalised people without access to other means of communications and was universally cited as vital in facilitating peaceful election processes.
The report concludes that community radio does play a strong role in local peacebuilding, and that radio stations' promotion of inclusive development processes has a broad impact in promoting sustainable peace. However, it also found that radio's impact is often reliant on the cooperation of government, and that community radio stations are making limited use of their power as media outlets to compel government participation in media." (https://www.comminit.com)
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"There is very little undestanding of the role that communicartion processes play in the numerous starnds of post-conflict reconstruction, including peacebuilding, governance, and long-term development. This paper addressess this gap by distilling lessons learned from the media and communication str
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ategies of different donors. It takes as its primary case study the Office of Transition Initiatives at the U.S. Agency for International Development, which has long track record of media and communication work in post-conflict environments. In doing so, it seeks to present a new model for understanding and working with communication in post-conflict and fragile environments." (Foreword)
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"Les radios demeurent le médium de communication le plus approprié à la communication sociale et à la communication de développement en Afrique. Dans cette étude, il s’agissait de faire l’état des lieux de la connectivité des radios ouest-africaines aux TIC (internet, satellite, ordinate
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ur, outils de stockage numérique, etc.), d’analyser les usages mis en oeuvre, d’identifier les contraintes, opportunités, et de faire des recommandations aux différents acteurs. L’étude est principalement axée sur sept pays cibles (Ghana, Bénin, Sénégal, Mali, Sierra Leone, Burkina Faso, Niger) et concerne toutes les radios (communautaires, commerciales, confessionnelles et religieuses). Deux cent vingt (220) radios ont été enquêtées." (Résumé, page 8)
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"This book takes a unique and comprehensive look at how the international community, led by the US, responded to ten humanitarian crises of the last decade and how major media outlets played a role in influencing (or failing to influence) action. Crises examined include Liberia, East Timor, Somalia,
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Sudan, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Burundi, Angola, Haiti, and the Congo. Soderlund and Briggs apply the same analytic method to each case to discover why the international community was unwilling, time and time again, to address this new brand of conflict that appeared at the time." (Publisher description)
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"Struggles over the meaning of the past are common in postcolonial states. State cultural heritage programs build monuments to reinforce in nation building efforts—often supported by international organizations and tourist dollars. These efforts often ignore the other, often more troubling memorie
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s preserved by local communities—markers of colonial oppression, cultural genocide, and ethnic identity. Yet, as the contributors to this volume note, questions of memory, heritage, identity and conservation are interwoven at the local, ethnic, national and global level and cannot be easily disentangled. In a fascinating series of cases from West Africa, anthropologists, archaeologists and art historians show how memory and heritage play out in a variety of postcolonial contexts. Settings range from televised ritual performances in Mali to monument conservation in Djenne and slavery memorials in Ghana." (Publisher description)
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