"In its 2020 presidential and legislative elections, Taiwan combatted and defeated Chinese propaganda and disinformation through a whole-of-society approach, one in which the government became better at debunking fake news and raising awareness of these attacks; civil society became more alert and c
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reated non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to detect, debunk, and block fake news online; and companies such as Facebook and LINE (similar to WhatsApp) became faster at finding and removing fake accounts and disinformation. Using Taiwan’s most recent elections as an example to elucidate the nature of Chinese propaganda and disinformation, this report identifies China’s motives, tactics, and actors in its foreign information warfare. Similar to Russia’s, China’s motives are to destabilize democracy and weaken governance in a target country by sowing doubts and chaos in its society, undermining its self-confidence, and increasing polarization and disunity. Its tactics include the following: 1) worsen existing social, political, economic, and generational divides; 2) exploit weaknesses in the informational system; 3) financially control and absorb traditional media; 4) employ its cyber army; 5) obfuscate the attack source through technological, commercial, and legal means; and 6) make the attacks partisan so that one side will at worst not condemn it and at best magnify the effects of its attacks. Its actors are the Chinese Cyberspace Administration, Central Propaganda Department, United Front Department, People’s Liberation Army Strategic Support Force, State Council’s Taiwan Affairs Office, 50-Cent Party (cyber army) and its content farms, and provinces, as well as agents from the target country employed by the Chinese government." (Executive summary, page 5)
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"Pervasive media censorship in China is often seen as a strictly political issue. Although in past years reporters have had leeway to report on economic issues, the Chinese Party/state has moved to tamp down economic journalism, even arresting those who report on bad economic news. This shift brings
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to the fore an issue long ignored by social scientists – economic censorship. Economic censorship takes place when state-owned enterprises (SOEs) or large private companies pressure the state to censor negative reports or directly pay off media companies to quash such reports in favor of more positive ones. Such economic censorship distorts markets and shifts investor money away from new market entrants and towards large, well-resourced and well-connected SOEs. Using a database of Chinese newspaper articles from 2004 to 2006 and a separate database of newspaper articles, blog posts and micro-blog posts from 2010, and supplemented by secondary sources, this paper examines how media coverage is distorted by censorship and corruption to the benefit of China’s entrenched interests. In particular, I find that private and provincially owned companies receive much more press coverage than do their central government (SASAC) owned equivalents, controlling for a number of factors." (Abstract)
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"This book discusses the development strategies of Chinese media convergence in the current, fast-changing communication environment. Drawing on both theoretical and empirical data and based on the author's observations, focus groups, and in-depth analyses of selected Chinese radio and TV networks,
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it illustrates key lessons for the maintenance and future improvement of talents, advertisement, media organization management, business development, and coping strategies. Further, it outlines a framework that helps readers to consider how to use communication strategies for the construction of media convergence in the context of China by referring to theories of international communication and political communication. Presenting research on the development strategies of Chinese media convergence, it offers a systematic study of the processes through which the Chinese radio and television industries make use of proper communication strategies to have a profound global influence." (Publisher description)
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"This report analyses a persistent, large-scale influence campaign linked to Chinese state actors on Twitter and Facebook. This activity largely targeted Chinese-speaking audiences outside of the Chinese mainland (where Twitter is blocked) with the intention of influencing perceptions on key issues,
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including the Hong Kong protests, exiled Chinese billionaire Guo Wengui and, to a lesser extent Covid-19 and Taiwan. Extrapolating from the takedown dataset, to which we had advanced access, given to us by Twitter, we have identified that this operation continues and has pivoted to try to weaponise the US Government’s response to current domestic protests and create the perception of a moral equivalence with the suppression of protests in Hong Kong." (https://www.aspi.org.au)
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"This report presents the results of in-depth interviews conducted with eight individuals with recent direct experience inside detention facilities in China’s Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR). Findings are based on four face-to-face and four remote interviews conducted between November 201
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9 and May 2020 [...] Many detainees were unclear about the reasons behind their initial arrests and grappled with why they were targeted. Justifications for detaining interviewees included innocuous differences in appearance or behavior, perceived by the state as indicators of religiosity or Uyghur nationalism. Some got no explanation for their arrests. Two participants heard police directly mention being given quotas or financial incentives for Uyghur arrests [...] Participants recommended that RFA continue to convey the reality of the ongoing repression in the Uyghur region in as transparent and high-profile a way as possible. Participants said that international coverage failed to present the reality of Uyghurs’ experiences in the XUAR in sufficient scale and depth. To address this, they recommended that RFA: Continues to provide detailed, factually strong reports about conditions within the XUAR, supported by photographic and video materials whenever possible; Focus on original reporting rather than translating reports from other outlets; Humanize Uyghurs in general and detainees in particular, sharing their real lives and stories, challenging the PRC narrative portraying them as Islamic extremists or terrorists; Broadcast more interviews with émigrés who had direct experience of detention – including those who were detained in pre-trial facilities rather than re-education camps; Translate content into other languages, including Mandarin and Russian." (Executive summary)
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"There are still opposing and restraining forces to globalization processes taking place in media, and the global mediascape comprises international, regional and local markets, and global and local players, which in recent years have evolved at an uneven pace. By analyzing similarities and differen
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ces in a landscape where driving forces of globalization meet locally situated audiences and institutions, this volume unveils a complex, contested space comprising global and local players, whose success is determined by both their national and international dimensions. It guides its readers to the geographical and intellectual exploration of the international media landscape, analyzing the global and local media players and their modus operandi." (Publisher description)
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"This book sheds new light on the study of journalism and communication, considering why and how journalism is studied in the 21st century. It notably offers both an international and interdisciplinary comparison of journalism and communication, examining the history of Chinese and Western journalis
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m and addressing the similarities and differences between them. Focusing on the education and training of future journalists, it also provides a comprehensive study of news coverage systems in China and in Western countries, including the processing of news sources, attitudes towards news communication and comparative communication scholarship. Researchers of media and journalism will find this a key read, as well as practicing journalists and students of journalism." (Publisher description)
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"With their heavily censored and restricted civil societies at home, China and Russia exploit the asymmetry of democratic systems by targeting open information environments, freedom of expression, participatory civic discourse, and pluralistic and fluid politics. Democracies have unique vulnerabilit
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ies to malign influence activities, but they also have unique and durable strengths. Transparency, rule of law, a free press, and democratic norms—hallmarks of democratic states—foster resilience against malign foreign influence. In the near term, it may be more important for democracies to redouble their efforts to build up their strengths than to reduce their vulnerabilities." (Conclusion)
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"La tiranía del rating se ha convertido en los últimos años en una expresión muy utilizada por diferentes actores de la industria de los medios de comunicación, que desconfían de la forma en la que las métricas miden el comportamiento de las audiencias. Los compradores, los periodistas, los a
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ctores y los productores ven cada vez más en estas mediciones una moneda de cambio que privilegia la cantidad sobre la calidad. Sin embargo, la investigación comercial de audiencias, y la manera en la que es implementada, ajustada, cuestionada, tolerada o acatada por las industrias mediáticas y publicitarias contemporáneas, es un tema que no ha sido estudiado con suficiente atención. Conscientes de la relevancia y de la urgencia de estos temas, los autores de Contando colombianos cuestionan el funcionamiento de las distintas métricas comerciales; analizan los referentes históricos y conceptuales que motivaron el diseño de estos sistemas de clasificación; indagan acerca de sus consecuencias biopolíticas, filosóficas, sociales y culturales; y plantean modos y soluciones que permitan humanizar y relativizar la influencia, el impacto y el poder de las métricas comerciales. A través del estudio de un amplio rango de medios de comunicación, como el cine, la radio, el internet, la publicidad, la prensa y la televisión, y mediante estudios que abarcan toda América Latina y que se extienden a países como los Estados Unidos, España y China, este libro demuestra que la medición de audiencias no se limita a aspectos económicos y comerciales, sino que incide y define los modos en lo que el ser humano es pensado, gobernado, entendido, estudiado y, en última instancia, valorado y contado." (Sinopsis)
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"A gradual transition from unconnected, discrete public relations efforts towards a coherent narrative is in progress. This is facilitated by the strengthening framework of cooperation, the change of posture and behaviour by Chinese institutions, the expansion of points of entry into the media envir
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onment and the widening range of cooperative actors. Such a shift requires a transition from inconspicuousness to a more open and assertive presence which is presently in train. China’s efforts are further accelerated by the existing structural public and media weaknesses. These range from media proximity to government, which encourages media outlets to uncritically amplify the government’s cooperation agenda, to the collapse of traditional business models. Ownership opaqueness creates yet another opening for outside actors with agendas, as does the endless multiplication of media platforms and web sites. An insatiable hunger for free content offers a further point of entry. Even so, China will be facing some headwinds as it attempts to embed and leverage its media presence. These range from an unsuitable style of interaction to cultural distance. Ideological rigidity is an also an issue. China’s strong presence in the region is becoming more and more apparent, inviting alertness and scrutiny." (Conclusions, page 32)
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"Political posters, banners, and similar objects are extremely common in China. This article uses political design from contemporary China, particularly emphasising the government’s Chinese Dream campaign, to analyze what at first appears to be a paradox. The subjects of the campaigns and the lang
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uage they use are mandated by the central government and promoted through central and local publicity departments. But the graphic aspects of these campaigns, such as the choice of colours, images, layout, and typeface, are much less strictly controlled, and are decided by local governments or authorities. This makes political design in China decentralized. Decentralized design is inconsistent with the principles of global marketing and with the PRC’s reliance on set forms of political discourse, both of which rely on the assumption that uniformity will lead to more effective communication of messages and persuasion of the public. Evidence from local design campaigns indeed shows that Chinese political posters are often designed hastily and without expertise, resulting in strange and unpersuasive images. Despite this, this article shows that decentralized design is not paradoxical. This is largely because the Chinese party-state uses propaganda as a method of “signalling” its overall power, more than as a tool of indoctrination or persuasion about particular topics." (Abstract)
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"With e-learning technologies evolving and expanding at high rates, organizations and institutions around the world are integrating massive open online courses (MOOCs) and other open educational resources (OERs). MOOCs and Open Education in the Global South explores the initiatives that are leveragi
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ng these flexible systems to educate, train, and empower populations previously denied access to such opportunities. Featuring contributors leading efforts in rapidly changing nations and regions, this wide-ranging collection grapples with accreditation, credentialing, quality standards, innovative assessment, learner motivation and attrition, and numerous other issues. The provocative narratives curated in this volume demonstrate how MOOCs and OER can be effectively designed and implemented in vastly different ways in particular settings, as detailed by experts from Asia, Latin America, the Middle East, Africa, the Pacific/Oceania, and the Caribbean. This comprehensive text is an essential resource for policy makers, instructional designers, practitioners, administrators, and other MOOC and OER community stakeholders." (Publisher description)
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"This study of 'independent' animation opens up a quietly subversive and vibrant dimension of contemporary Chinese culture which, hitherto, has not received as much attention as dissident art or political activism. Scholarly interest in Chinese animation has increased over the last decade, with atte
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ntion paid to the conventional media circle of production, distribution and consumption. The 'independent' sector has been largely ignored however, until now. By focusing on distinctive independent artists like Pisan and Lei Lei, and situating their work within the present day media ecology, the author examines the relationship between the genre and the sociocultural transformation of contemporary China. Animation, the author argues, has a special significance, as the nature of the animation text is itself multilayered and given to multiple interpretations and avenues of engagement. Through an examination of the affordances of this 'independent' media entity, the author explores how this multifaceted cultural form reveals ambiguities that parallel contradictions in art and society. In so doing, independent animation provides a convenient 'mirror' for examining how recent social upheavals have been negotiated, and how certain practitioners have found effective ways for discussing the post-Socialist reality within the current political configuration." (Publisher description)
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"Since the 1950s, Chinese foreign aid has been influenced by and linked with China’s investment, trade, and foreign policy objectives. Partly as a result, it has also been fairly opaque. However, as Chinese aid (and loans) have increased in volume and significance, and as China’s economic status
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has improved, this opacity has become more challenging for recipient countries to manage. The creation of China’s International Development Cooperation Agency (CIDCA) in 2018 can be seen as a concerted move by China to allay these concerns by making a stronger commitment towards a clearer distinction among the various types of Chinese financial flows. However, it remains difficult for recipient countries to navigate the system. This note aims to help recipient countries understand Chinese aid management and structures by providing an overview of those structures and what they mean for the future of aid from China. The note takes into account two key shifts in Chinese aid management in recent years: the formation of CIDCA, and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)." (Summary)
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"First unveiled in 2015, the Digital Silk Road (DSR) component of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has attracted more political and commercial attention as technology-related tensions between the US and China have risen. Whereas large-scale traditional infrastructure projects have so far bee
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n the focus of the BRI, the DSR is using technologies that will serve as the foundation of a new digital economy. It is also becoming more central to the BRI—President Xi Jinping’s signature international initiative—as Chinese technology companies improve their ability to expand globally, developing countries begin embracing digital technologies and considering moving to next-generation 5G networks, and Xi focuses increasingly on technology self-reliance and R&D in key technology sectors. The DSR is best understood as an umbrella branding effort and a narrative for Beijing to promote its global vision across a range of technology areas and projects. However, it is Chinese private companies that are the main drivers of the initiative, often using the DSR label to gain policy support to pursue overseas commercial expansion." (Page 1)
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