"In March 2005, a relatively nonviolent uprising ousted an authoritarian president in the former Soviet republic of Kyrgyzstan. In the aftermath of the so-called Tulip Revolution, press rights advocates and journalists welcomed the promise of greatly enhanced freedoms. However, the new regime proved
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to be as authoritarian and corrupt as its predecessor and little liberalization of the press system was evident five years later. Physical assaults continued, including murders, as did harassment, libel suits, impediments to access to information, license denials and self-censorship. There was only slow movement toward privatizing of state-owned media. Independent and oppositional media also remained in financial peril due to the country’s weak economy and high poverty level. Thus, 20 years after independence and a half-decade after the Tulip Revolution, the Soviet propaganda model for a press system was dead in name, but many major attributes survived, with significant implications for the continuum of authoritarianism in other postcommunist nations. The degree to which the April 2010 coup and subsequent constitutional change to a parliamentary democracy will spur an expansion of press rights and sustain market-based independent media outlets remains speculative amid grave concerns about continuing anti-press events." (Abstract)
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"With three notable exceptions—Belarus, Russia, and Uzbekistan—the media sector in the countries included in the first edition of the MSI in 2001 have over time either improved overall or stayed more or less the same. But, a review of overall MSI scores is just one way to use the MSI to see how
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the media situation has changed [...] Another is to compare the qualitative characterizations made by panelists in 2001 to those they are making today. In a similar vein, IREX includes a summary of how the Internet was viewed in 2001 and how it is described today as a way to look at the impact of new media on dissemination of information, public dialogue, and citizen access to timely news and information. IREX this year employed an updated methodology to prepare the reports [...] IREX added two new indicators. One assesses a media sector’s ability to report on local, regional, national, and international news in a way that meets the needs of citizens in all corners of a country." (Executive summary, page 9)
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"In the year of the Arab uprisings Global Information Society Watch 2011 investigates how governments and internet and mobile phone companies are trying to restrict freedom online – and how citizens are responding to this using the very same technologies. Everyone is familiar with the stories of E
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gypt and Tunisia. GISWatch authors tell these and other lesser-known stories from more than 60 countries. Stories about: Prison conditions in Argentina - prisoners are using the internet to protest living conditions and demand respect for their rights; Torture in Indonesia - the torture of two West Papuan farmers was recorded on a mobile phone and leaked to the internet, the video spread to well-known human rights sites sparking public outrage and a formal investigation by the authorities; The tsunami in Japan - citizens used social media to share actionable information during the devastating tsunami, and in the aftermath online discussions contradicted misleading reports coming from state authorities. GISWatch also includes thematic reports and an introduction from Frank La Rue, Un special rapporteur." (Back cover)
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"Die Freiheit der Arbeit von Journalisten ist immer auch ein wichtiger Indikator für den Grad der Demokratisierung eines Staates. Kirgistan ist diesbezüglich ein zerrissenes Land, welches sich zwischen Fortschritten und Rückfällen hin und her bewegt und auch in dieser Hinsicht stark von den Nach
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wirkungen der Unruhen in Osch im Juni 2010 gekennzeichnet ist. Eine wichtige Richtungsentscheidung wird vermutlich die Präsidentschaftswahl im Oktober sein." (Zusammenfassung)
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"During 2010 Kyrgyzstan experienced two periods of conflict that took the country to the brink of civil war: the overthrow of President Kurmanbek Bakiyev in April and the ethnic violence in the south of the country in June. The use of blogs and social network sites as well as mobile and multimedia p
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latforms during the upheaval has led some observers to link developments in Kyrgyzstan to other recent cases of social protest where new media has been prominent. However, these events offer no simple answer to the current social media debate. The complex and shifting role of new media as a factor in the events in Kyrgyzstan illustrates that the two conflicts were different in important ways and that new media was used differently in each. While new media made significant contributions to these events, it did not drive them and its importance has to be seen alongside the more conventional mobilization techniques and the role of traditional international media—which was often the source of social media reporting." (Abstract)
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"Se rangeant parmi les cinq plus grands donateurs d’aide publique au développement (APD), l'Allemagne est fortement engagée dans la lutte pour un accès universel à la prévention, au traitement et à la prise en charge du VIH. Une bonne partie des contributions allemandes est accordée sous fo
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rme de soutien financier et technique à la communication pour le changement de comportement (CCC), souvent associée au marketing social de préservatifs. Cette publication étudie en détail plusieurs projets dans le cadre desquels l'Allemagne a apporté un soutien à la production et à la diffusion de séries télévisées comme composantes clés de la CCC dans trois pays confrontés à des situations épidémiologiques très différentes. Au Kirghizistan, l'épidémie est largement concentrée parmi les consommateurs de drogues injectables (CDI), pour la plupart des hommes jeunes, mais touche aussi des professionnelles du sexe. L'épidémie s’étend rapidement, et l’on craint qu'elle ne se propage davantage dans la population en général. Diffusée pour la première fois en 2006, la série « Love as a Test » avait pour but de sensibiliser les spectateurs au fait que le VIH ne concerne pas uniquement « les autres », mais peut facilement toucher chaque individu ainsi que ses proches, et qu’il est possible d’agir pour éviter sa propagation et en limiter les dommages. En République dominicaine, les taux de prévalence du VIH sont extrêmement élevés chez les Haïtiens de souche vivant dans les bateyes (campements attenant aux plantations de canne à sucre), dans les zones rurales et dans les bidonvilles. Diffusée pour la première fois en 2007, « Amor de Batey » avait pour but de promouvoir l'utilisation régulière et correcte de préservatifs peu coûteux mais fiables, de renforcer l’autonomie des femmes, d'améliorer leur santé et de limiter la mortalité infantile. En Côte d'Ivoire, les taux de prévalence du VIH sont élevés dans l’ensemble du pays, mais beaucoup plus importants chez les femmes que chez les hommes. Cela est notamment dû à la pratique courante des relations sexuelles multiples et concomitantes et aux faibles niveaux d'éducation et de connaissances en matière de santé sexuelle et reproductive. Diffusée pour la première fois en 1994, « Sida dans la Cité » avait des objectifs similaires à ceux de « Amor de Batey ». La première série a rencontré un tel succès qu'elle a été suivie d'une deuxième diffusée en 1996-1997, puis d'une troisième diffusée en 2003. Les trois séries ont connu une grande popularité dans tous les pays francophones d'Afrique de l’Ouest et d'Afrique centrale. Cette publication retrace la genèse de chacune de ces séries, en présente un bref synopsis, résume les résultats des évaluations formelles qui en ont été faites et fournit des appréciations plus informelles. Elle tire ensuite des conclusions et constate que les séries télévisées peuvent apporter des contributions très utiles à la lutte contre le VIH au niveau national. Les séries qui remportent le plus de succès sont basées sur de solides recherches, reflètent les réalités de la vie telles qu’elles sont vécues par les publics cibles et sont réalisées de manière très professionnelle, leur assurant à la fois un haut niveau de divertissement et une grande efficacité comme outil éducatif." (Résumé, page 5)
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"Independence for the former Soviet republics of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan in Central Asia has not led to press freedom, solutions to pressing environmental problems, or development of effective grassroots nongovernmental organizations. This article examines relations between journalists and environ
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mental nongovernmental organizations, and it identifies barriers to in-depth, balanced, and accurate news coverage of environmental issues and events." (Abstract)
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"This wide range of contemporary mass media research illustrates how Central Asia press outlets remain tightly controlled and manipulated, first under the czars, then under the Soviets, and now under authoritarian regimes. Over the past two decades, the press systems have not achieved even minimal d
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emocratization and independence by international standards. Perhaps the Internet and other technologies will have a better chance of circumventing censors and the economic obstacles that deny the great mass of Central Asians the ability to participate in a useful dialog leading to more transparent and participatory governance. Several overarching observations emerge from this synthesized examination of recent research. The five separate press systems that replaced the single Soviet system share many commonalities, although significant differences also exist. These studies indicate varying but not decisive degrees of external influences from multi-governmental entities, media-building foundations, and promoters of civil society; such influences on Central Asian media development originate with mostly Western-based journalism and mass media trainers. Another observation concerns regimes’ use and abuse of laws to control information about public affairs and public issues. That pattern evident from several studies reflects a disconnect between constitutional and statutory guarantees of press freedom on one side and actual threats to those guarantees on the other side due to libel and “honor and dignity” suits, criminal prosecutions, and tightening regulation of the Internet. Examined collectively, these studies suggest the following obstacles to democratic and independent media development in Central Asia: strict governmental and extra-governmental restraints on the press, regardless of the type of medium—print, broadcast, or Internet; inadequate professional training, leadership, resources, financial incentives, and ethical standards for journalists and prospective journalists; limitations on the ability of domestic and international press and human rights defenders to compel changes in policies and laws; insufficient market resources to create and sustain independent news organizations; and a resulting lack of credibility and public trust in the press." (Summary and conclusions, page 142)
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"Around the developing world, political leaders face a dilemma: the very information and communication technologies that boost economic fortunes also undermine power structures. Globally, one in ten internet users is a Muslim living in a populous Muslim community. In these countries, young people ar
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e developing their political identities—including a transnational Muslim identity—online. In countries where political parties are illegal, the internet is the only infrastructure for democratic discourse. In others, digital technologies such as mobile phones and the internet have given key actors an information infrastructure that is independent of the state. And in countries with large Muslim communities, mobile phones and the internet are helping civil society build systems of political communication independent of the state and beyond easy manipulation by cultural or religious elites. This book looks at the role that communications technologies play in advancing democratic transitions in Muslim countries. As such, its central question is whether technology holds the potential to substantially enhance democracy. Certainly, no democratic transition has occurred solely because of the internet. But, as the book argues, no democratic transition can occur today without the internet. According to this book, the major (and perhaps only meaningful) forum for civic debate in most Muslim countries today is online. Activists both within diasporic communities and within authoritarian states—including Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan—are the drivers of this debate, which centers around issues such as the interpretation of Islamic texts, gender roles, and security issues. Drawing upon material from interviews with telecommunications policy makers and activists in Azerbaijan, Egypt, Tajikistan, and Tanzania and a comparative study of seventy-four countries with large Muslim populations, this book demonstrates that these forums have been the means to organize activist movements that have lead to successful democratic insurgencies." (Publisher description)
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"Internet censorship and surveillance becomes more sophisticated. The first-generation controls like China's "Great Firewall" are being replaced by techniques that include strategically timed distributed denial-of-service (DDoS) attacks, targeted malware, take-down notices and stringent terms-of-usa
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ge policies. Their aim is to shape and limit the national information environment. This publication reports on these new trends and their implications for the global internet commons. In addition, it offers 32 detailed country profiles on internet surveillance from the Commonwealth of Independent States, the Middle East and North Africa, Asia and Europe." (CAMECO Update 2-2010)
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"The global economic downturn has affected countless businesses across the region, forcing them to slash costs, lay off employees, and reduce output. Media businesses are no exception. However, when media businesses are hit, it is not just their turnover that suffers: their primary function, the del
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ivery of news to citizens, feels the impact too. To explore the impact of the crisis on independent media and accountability journalism, the Media Program carried out a study in 18 post-socialist countries heavily hit by the crisis: Albania, Armenia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Kyrgyzstan, Latvia, Lithuania, Macedonia, Moldova, Montenegro, Poland, Romania, Serbia, Slovakia, and Ukraine. The study looks at media performance in 2009 compared with the previous three years, explores the cost-saving measures taken by significant news carriers, and the effects of these measures on output, breadth and depth of coverage, scope of investigative reporting, and opportunities for open public debate." (OSI website)
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"This publication looks closely at cases where Germany has supported the production and broadcast of television soap operas as key components of Behavior Change Communication (BCC) in three very different countries with three very different HIV epidemics: In Kyrgyzstan, the epidemic is largely conce
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ntrated among injecting drug users (IDUs), mostly young males but some female sex workers. It is spreading rapidly and there is concern it could soon spread into the general population. Originally broadcast in 2006, "Love as a Test" aims to get across messages that HIV affects not only "them" but could easily affect you and your loved ones and there are things you can do to prevent its spread and reduce its harm. In Dominican Republic, there are extremely high rates of HIV prevalence among ethnic Haitians who live in bateyes (settlements on agricultural plantations), rural areas and urban barrios. Originally broadcast in 2007, "Amor de Batey" aims to promote the consistent and correct use of low-cost but reliable condoms and, also, to empower women, improve their health and reduce child mortality. In Côte d'Ivoire, there are high rates of HIV prevalence throughout the country but much higher rates among women than men. Contributing factors include the common practice of having multiple concurrent sexual relations and low levels of education and specific knowledge about sexual and reproductive health. Originally broadcast in 1994, "SIDA dans la Cité" has aims similar to those of "Amor de Batey." The first series proved so successful that it lead to a second series, originally broadcast in 1996-97, and then to a third, originally broadcast in 2003. All three series have proved popular throughout French-speaking West and Central Africa. This publication shows how each series was developed, provides brief synopses, summarizes the results of formal evaluations and provides informal assessments. It draws lessons and concludes that television soap operas can make significant contributions to national responses to HIV. The most successful series are based on sound research, reflect the realities of life as it is lived by their target audiences, and are developed in a professional manner that ensures they meet high standards both as entertainment and as educational tools." (Executive summary, page 5)
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"GISWatch has three interrelated goals: surveying the state of the field of information and communications technology (ICT) policy at local and global levels; encouraging critical debate; strengthening networking and advocacy for a just, inclusive information society. Each year the report focuses on
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one particular theme. GISWatch 2009 focuses on access to online information and knowledge – advancing human rights and democracy. It includes several thematic reports dealing with key issues in the field, as well as an institutional overview and a reflection on indicators that track access to information and knowledge. There is also an innovative section on visual mapping of global rights and political crises. In addition, 48 country reports analyse the status of access to online information and knowledge in countries as diverse as the Democratic Republic of Congo, Mexico, Switzerland and Kazakhstan, while six regional overviews offer a bird’s eye perspective on regional trends." (Back cover)
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"Media education in Asia is a relatively young, but rapidly developing part of the curriculum. Research has been conducted and papers have been written on various issues concerning media education in Asia. The dominant models of media education in the world are broadly Western and most are drawn fro
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m English-speaking countries. The question is whether a similar pattern exists in Asia, where there may be differences in culture, heritage, beliefs, values, education policy, as well as curriculum and pedagogy. Are educators in Asia following the Western model in developing and implementing media education, or are they devising their own models? With this question in mind, this book sets out to understand the prevailing perspectives regarding media education in various Asian societies. While most debates about media education are carried out in Western contexts, this book hopes to provide a platform for readers to examine this issue in an Asian context." (Back cover)
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