"The reorganisation of radio broadcasting in the five Arab countries we have looked at is a slow, unequal, up-and-down and unfinished process. It is unfinished in that some states (Egypt and Syria), still have not published the conditions for awarding broadcasting licenses, even though some independ
...
ent stations have received authorisation. The beneficiary stations thus have no real legal status, but are private businesses broadcasting music, and refraining from broadcasting news. The stations seem to be of most benefit to businessmen close to the authorities, and are more a part of the process of State privatisation than media democratisation. There is a general lack of transparency, and very little information is available about these radio stations. Journalists know little about the shareholders, working conditions in the stations and how they are organised. The legal vacuum will no doubt eventually be filled in these two countries. But, for the time being, radio broadcasting in Egypt and Syria remains totally under the control of the authorities. Lebanon is a special case. By allowing radio and television stations to be privately owned, Lebanon has essentially brought an existing state of affairs within the law, since these independent stations did not wait for the 1996 law to be passed before going on the air. Nevertheless, the various attempts to prevent religious interests from controlling the media have so far failed, and the political stations are a direct mirror of the country’s religious polarities. Every political/religious party has its own radio station (and television channel), which it uses to support its political choices. And the only non-religious station, Sawt Al-Shab, is close to the Lebanese Communist Party. Despite their vulnerability, the Palestinian and Jordanian experiments are without doubt the most promising. The legal framework is restrictive, in these two countries, but the privatelyowned stations are pushing back the boundaries of news broadcasting, are helping to render the media more autonomous, and introducing a relative degree of democracy in the field of information. But these experiments remain dependent on the unstable political context and resulting legal restrictions. The new legislation is more favourable to entertainment stations and benefits businessmen close to the authorities, leaving little space for civil society radio projects to develop." (Conclusion, page 42)
more
"This paper tries to contribute to the discussion on how alternative, community media has altered the media scenery and affected socio-political life in Jordan in terms of the interplay between the civil society and public sphere. With specific reference to Radio AmmanNet, the first community radio
...
in Jordan as a case study, and based on socio-political analysis this study will apply relevant social theories and explore the role of alternative and community media in transforming communication in media outlets from that of transmitter-receptor (one to masses) into an interactive transmittertransmitter form thereby nurturing democratic forms of communication, defending local cultural autonomy, harnessing deliberative and teledemocracy, serving as advocacy and lobbying tool promoting civil society and rebuilding a sense of community, and as a role model for regional non-democratic countries." (Abstract)
more
"Die Autorin legt eine Analyse der Rolle der Journalistenverbände im Rahmen der Öffnungsprozesse in Jordanien und im Libanon vor. Jordaniens König leitete 1991 den Demokratisierungsprozess ein, der Libanon befindet sich nach Ende des Bürgerkriegs 1990 auf Re-Demokratisierungskurs. Die Journalist
...
enverbände stehen im Spannungsverhältnis zwischen den hohen Anforderungen an die Medien und die Zivilgesellschaft in diesen Veränderungsprozessen und der Verankerung in den gesellschaftspolitischen Traditionen. Die Journalistenverbände sind in zweifacher Hinsicht von Interesse: zum einen als Verband und somit Bestandteil der Zivilgesellschaft und zum anderen als Interessenvertretung der Journalisten, also derjenigen, die die Inhalte der Medien maßgeblich prägen. Inwiefern entsprechen die internen Strukturen der Verbände zivilgesellschaftlichen Anforderungen? Welches Selbstverständnis von Journalistsein gibt der Verband vor? Sind Journalisten Sprachrohr der Regierung oder vierte Macht im Staat? Schützt der Verband Journalisten vor Eingriffen des Staates oder sind sie sein verlängerter Arm? Die Autorin geht der Frage nach, inwiefern sich die externen Faktoren des gesellschaftspolitischen Erbes in den internen Strukturen der Verbände aktualisieren und inwieweit sich die Verbände über bestehende strukturelle Zwänge hinwegsetzen. Die präzise Analyse der Verbände - angereichert durch die Recherche vor Ort und einer Vielzahl von Interviews mit Journalisten und Verbandsfunktionären - ermöglicht einen tiefen Einblick in gesellschaftspolitische Machtstrukturen und Aushandlungsprozesse und trägt zu einem besseren Verständnis der Region bei. Eine kritische Auseinandersetzung mit dem Konzept der Zivilgesellschaft komplettiert die Arbeit." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
more
"Since September 11, 2001, and the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, many television viewers in the United States have become familiar with Al Jazeera as offering an alternative take on events from that presented by mainstream U.S. media, as well as disseminating anti-American invective. Westerners have
...
tended toward simplistic views of Arab newspapers, radio, and television, assuming that they are all under government control and that freedom of press is non-existent. William A. Rugh, a long time observer of the Arab mass media, offers a more nuanced picture of the Arab press as it relates to the political situation in the Arab world today. Although governmental influence over the media is stronger in the Middle East than in Europe or the United States, Rugh argues that there is more diversity in the Arab media than most people in the West realize. In reality, the Arab media are coming to reflect the diversity and wide range of opinions of those within the Arab world itself. In particular, the advent of privately owned Arab satellite television in the 1990s has led to significant liberalization of the media throughout the region. Rugh concludes that a democracy of ideas and voices is slowly growing in the Arab world, and he remains guardedly optimistic about the positive role the Arab media can play in processes of democratization and nation-building." (Publisher description)
more
"In these two volumes, readers will find comparative, in-depth essays on the press systems of 232 countries and/or territories. World Press Encyclopedia (WPE) is unique and valuable to users because, in addition to essays on each country’s press system, WPE also contains custommade graphs and stat
...
istical tables, as well as regional maps, useful appendices, and an extensive index. This comprehensive, authoritative source of information allows for easy comparison between essays with a standard format or set of “rubrics” used whenever possible (see section titled “Essay Components”). Each essay also features basic data information—such as official country name, literacy rate, language(s), and number of daily newspapers—clearly marked with headings at the beginning of each entry. Additionally, WPE’s contributors include scholars, professionals, and educators from across the United States and around the world; each essay has a byline. Although this is the second edition, WPE has been completely reconceptualized and 100 percent revised from the first edition, which was published in 1982." (Introduction)
more
"The press in transition" chronicles and evaluates the experiences of six press institutions in four markedly different media systems. The book adopts a comparative framing to explore press functioning worldwide, and to draw preliminary conclusions about the press in transition. At the heart of the
...
study, however, is an up-close portrait of institutions and individuals. Adam Jones is a professor of International Studies at the Center for Research and Teaching in Economics (CIDE) in Mexico City. He holds a Ph.D. in Political Science from the University of British Columbia." (Catalogue Deutsches Übersee Institut 2002)
more
"Section One, Fundamental Concepts in Environmental Education and Communciation (EE&C) provides an orientation to four theoretical perspectives that have shaped GreenCOM’s approach to environmental education and communication projects: behavior change, participation, gender, and systems thinking.
...
Each has its own research framework and following, yet each contributes an important set of ideas to environmental education and communication activities. In Section Two, Planning EE&C Programs, a variety of GreenCOM experiences illustrate the basic process of designing education and communication programs: needs assessment, formative research, pre-testing, and evaluation. Taken together they form a reliable and well-tested model for program development. Section Three, Conducting EE&C Activities, looks at staff and participant training workshops, mass media campaigns, and how EE&C can affect public policy. Section Four, Putting It All Together, highlights several successful countrywide strategies from GreenCOM’s field experience. These cases illustrate some of the diverse approaches to building capacity and planning and implementing environmental education and communication. The projects involved training, policy initiatives, awards schemes, curriculum development, and multifaceted communication campaigns." (Page xiv)
more