"The third Glass Ceilings survey of South African media launched on 19 October - national press freedom day - 2018 shows there have been dramatic shifts in the race and gender composition of media since the first study twelve years ago. But black women are still not fairly represented in media decis
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ion-making; the pay gap is widening, especially in the age of digitisation; and the old boys’ network is alive and well. In the #MeToo and #TotalShutDown era, the conversation is moving beyond numbers, to the underlying patriarchal norms that fuel sexist attitudes, harassment and its newest ugly form – cyber misogyny." (Back cover)
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"The GSMA mHealth programme, under the mNutrition Initiative funded by UK aid (the UK Department for International Development, DFID), has been working with mobile network operators (MNOs) and other mobile and health sector stakeholders to support the launch and scale of mobile health (mHealth) valu
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e-added services (VAS). As of December 2017, these services have cumulatively delivered lifesaving maternal and newborn child health (MNCH) and nutrition information to over 1.59 million women and their families across eight Sub-Saharan African markets: Malawi, Ghana, Tanzania, Kenya, Nigeria, Zambia, Uganda and Mozambique (Figure 1). Key findings: Adopting a HCD approach to product development and optimisation led to increased user engagement; mHealth service users demonstrated improved nutrition behaviours over non-users across all implementing markets; mHealth services resulted in an average improvement of 12 percentage points in overall nutrition knowledge among users across all eight markets; Mobile information services improve knowledge, even when existing knowledge around certain nutrition topics is reasonably high; Mobile information services have a stronger impact with poorly understood concepts; Repetition of messages about key health practices reinforces the behaviour; Forty-two per cent of mNutrition service users report sharing the information they learn with their family, friends and communities [...]" (Executive summary)
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"Using cultural studies as its conceptual framework and reception analysis as its methodology, this study investigated and accounted for the oppositional readings that subaltern black South African youths negotiate from Tsha Tsha, an E-E television drama on HIV and AIDS in South Africa. Results from
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the study show that HIV and AIDS messages in Tsha Tsha face substantial resistances from situated youth viewers whose social contexts of consumption, shared identities, quotidian experiences and subjectivities, provide critical lines along which the E-E text is often resisted and inflected. These findings do not only hold several implications for E-E practice and research, they further reflect the utility of articulating cultural studies and reception analysis into a more nuanced theoretical and methodological framework for evaluating the ‘impact’ of E-E interventions on HIV and AIDS." (Abstract)
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"This book is about news and journalism in Botswana, which is an underresearched topic. It is aimed at students of journalism or media studies but is also useful to media practitioners interested in learning about the environment in which they work. The idea for the book came to me after I left the
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University of Botswana where I had taught and researched for six years. During that time I amassed a large amount of information that I used in lectures and research seminars that were delivered to relatively small numbers of people. I have taken that information and repackaged it, added to it, and produced this book. There are nine chapters covering a broad range of topics including history; law and media freedom; ethics; gender; how media contribute to good governance; election coverage and representations of LGBTI people." (Introduction, page 4)
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"The increased presence of Chinese media in Africa has been the focus of much debate since the early 2010s. Discussions tend to revolve around issues of production and content, providing little evidence on the way audiences decode media messages aimed at extending China’s “soft power.” This ar
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ticle uses data from seven focus groups with media and communication university students in Kenya and South Africa to explore the efficacy of Chinese-mediated public diplomacy. We show that Chinese media have little impact on students’ information habits, demonstrate that attitudes toward China are predominantly negative, and argue that this stereotyping affects opinions about Chinese media. We also suggest that some students’ favored news values overlap with those associated with Chinese media. This may indicate a potential affinity between the journalistic practice of Chinese media in Africa and that of future Kenyan and South African media professionals, which could increase the chances of China’s media engagements having an impact in the long term." (Abstract)
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"This report explores the recent trajectory of South African news with a specific focus on the economic sustainability of news media. Digital news consumption on mobile phone, and especially via Social Media on Smart Phones (SMSP) is fracturing audiences and reducing traditional sources of revenue.
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Printed newspapers in particular are starting to close and will be closing, this report suggests, at an accelerated rate, and while the past two or three years have seen a revival in important national-level political reporting, local and community media is increasingly losing the struggle to survive. Dozens of community papers have closed in 2015-2017, some after many decades of publishing. The Times in Johannesburg closed in January 2018. Many others will follow. In addition, as this report explores, much of the best current journalism produced in South Africa is currently financed by grants and donations from international foundations. The disruption of the news industry by digital technology has, in South Africa, been exacerbated by political manipulation of news media, including, as this report explores, a multi-pronged attack on media coordinated by what the report describes as the Zuma-centred power elite (after the 2017 PARI report “How South Africa is being Stolen”)." (Executive summary)
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"Our study is the first to identify and analyse who is shaping African Twitter conversations during elections over the past year. The study found that 53 per cent of the leading voices on Twitter around ten elections on the continent during the past year came from outside the country in which the el
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ections were contested. Bots, and accounts displaying machine-like behaviour, were active across all elections, particularly in Kenya, where they accounted for a quarter of all influential accounts. One of the more surprising findings from the study was the limited influence politicians had on the conversation. Rwanda was the exception, where 1 in every 3 influential handles was a political account – the highest figure across all elections analysed. This doesn’t mean politicians weren’t being talked about. Many of the top hashtags included references to politicians or political parties, including #UmaAngolaParaTodos in Angola, #Weah in Liberia and #Kagame in Rwanda. This study demonstrates that people continue to seek out the voices they trust with established journalists and news outlets consistently ranked in the top three influencers across all elections. With fake news and bots influencing conversations on social media, people continue to search for traditional sources of verified, accurate information." (Introduction)
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"Gegen Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts begannen indigen-christliche Eliten in Asien und Afrika, sich stärker in der kolonialen Öffentlichkeit ihrer Länder zu artikulieren. Sie gründeten ihre eigenen Journale, kritisierten Missstände in Gesellschaft und Missionskirchen, beteiligten sich an sozialen Be
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wegungen und entwickelten eine nicht-missionarische Sicht auf das Christentum. Der Sammelband stellt die Ergebnisse eines Forschungsprojektes dar, das der Analyse indigen-christlicher Journale als eines bislang weitestgehend vernachlässigten Quellenkorpus gewidmet ist und singuläre neue Einsichten in religiöse Emanzipationsprozesse in Asien und Afrika um die Wende vom 19. zum 20. Jahrhundert erlaubt." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"IsiZulu is one of South Africa’s Lingua francas and has two successful news publications, iLanga and iSolezwe, both written in isiZulu but vastly different in how they convey, craft and package news. This article aims to examine how iSolezwe, an isiZulu-language tabloid, used two editorials to sh
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ape its stance on the May 2008 xenophobic riots. Through the editorials agenda-setting execution, we are able to analyse the tabloids ideology; even when the news reports, and photo-journalistic pieces offered ‘impartially full’ accounts, but, metaphors stray from headline to headline, photographs that are meaningless in themselves become significant when juxtaposed to a piece of text (Fowler 1991: 225) [...] ISolezwe’s coverage began with ambivalence, exhibiting sympathy towards the frustrated South African perpetrators, but was shocked at the level of violence. The news reports were more ‘balanced’ in their coverage, without assuming a position in contrast to the editorials. Examining the entire coverage, a theme is evident, from ambivalent editorials, to news reports that were more balanced. The second editorial dovetailed from the then president of the African National Congress (ANC) Jacob Zuma’s condemnation of the violence but the tabloid did not condemn the xenophobic riots outright, and its reporting ends with a repatriation theme and the tabloid never explored notions of integration." (Abstract)
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"The study concluded that the media in Zimbabwe falls short of standards of fair and balanced coverage of political actors in the country. ZANU PF and MDC T dominated the media’s coverage and combined for 94% of the space and time dedicated to political parties whilst the remaining 15 parties acco
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unted for 6% of the coverage. This is a reflection of the lack of diversity in the representation of political actors, given that over 100 political parties are contesting the upcoming elections." (Executive summary)
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"Contemporary BRICS Journalism: Non-Western Media in Transition is the first comparative study of professional journalists working in BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa). The book presents a range of insider perspectives, offering a valuable insight into the nature of jo
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urnalism in these influential economies. Contributors to this volume have conducted in-depth interviews with more than 700 journalists, from mainstream and online media, between 2012 and 2015. They present and analyse their findings here, revealing how BRICS journalism is envisioned, experienced, and practised in the twenty-first century. Compelling evidence in the form of journalists’ narratives reveals the impact of digital culture on modern reporting and the evolving dynamic between new media technology and traditional journalistic practice. Insightful comparisons are made between BRICS countries, highlighting the similarities and differences between them. Topics covered include professionalism, ethics and ideals, community journalism, technological developments in the newsroom and the reporting of protest movements." (Publisher description)
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"The end of apartheid brought South Africa into the global media environment. Outside companies invested in the nation's newspapers while South African conglomerates pursued lucrative tech ventures and communication markets around the world. Many observers viewed the rapid development of South Afric
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an media as a roadmap from authoritarianism to global modernity. Herman Wasserman analyzes the debates surrounding South Africa's new media presence against the backdrop of rapidly changing geopolitics. His exploration reveals how South African disputes regarding access to, and representation in, the media reflect the domination and inequality in the global communication sphere. Optimists see post-apartheid media as providing a vital space that encourages exchanges of opinion in a young democracy. Critics argue the public sphere mirrors South Africa's past divisions and privileges the viewpoints of the elite. Wasserman delves into the ways these simplistic narratives obscure the country's internal tensions, conflicts, and paradoxes even as he charts the diverse nature of South African entry into the global arena." (Publisher description)
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"This article examines representation of the conflict in Darfur by the media in Kenya, South Africa, Egypt and Rwanda. It analyses 850 newspaper articles published from 2003 to 2008 and journalist interviews from Kenya and South Africa. Using Mbembe’s articulation of ‘meaningful acts’ and Bour
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dieu’s field theory, the article highlights how the intersection of geopolitics, symbolic affirmation of unity and ‘Africanness’ and a ritualistic use of official sources led African media fields to mimic the global north in how they have framed the Darfur conflict. The most striking finding from the analysis of how these four countries reported the violence in Darfur is the salience of the ethnic conflict frame. However, the ethnic conflict frame was used in African media differently than in Western media, which often assumed a path-determined relationship between conflict and tribal identities. In contrast, African journalists used the ethnic frame to domesticate the news and as a part of specific political project to demarcate which actors should be understood as Other and with which actors audiences share an affinity." (Abstract)
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"[...] despite the welcome increase in the number of journalism and communication qualifications offered by public and private journalism training colleges in Malawi, the quality of the output is still lackluster. This is overwhelmingly because practical skills courses are taught inadequately, hapha
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zardly and theoretically due, partly, to inadequate human and material resources and lack of a national policy to guide the formation of journalists. It recommends that to improve the quality and relevance of journalistic output, Malawi should draft and publish a journalism education and training policy to guide all journalism training colleges. It also recommends that training colleges should partner with the industry, multilateral organizations with interest in communication and media development, government departments and NGOs not only for industrial attachment but also for these to sponsor communication and journalism training programmes. Partner institutions should consider procuring training materials and assets for the training institutions. The study further recommends that partner institutions need to consider sponsoring academic staff for higher education in journalism and media studies." (Abstract)
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"The following report is an exploratory case study analysis of social accountability monitoring of the Eastern Cape Department of Education by the Public Service Accountability Monitor (PSAM) and mainstream media in the Eastern Cape. It provides in-depth analysis of the education programme’s work
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within PSAM and a study of newspaper coverage of education in the Eastern Cape. The argument made herein, is that for either civil society or the media to be effective in holding duty bearers to account, and to equip citizens to hold public officials to account, they have to work collaboratively in their efforts. What is required is a shift in the assumption that simply reporting on or highlighting events of maladministration or mismanagement of public resources is sufficient. Highlighting poor resource management is necessary but not sufficient to equate to social accountability. The current media coverage, while extensive and voluminous, does not provide citizens with the contextual knowledge they need to effectively hold duty bearers to account for poor service delivery. Rather, as a result of the formulaic reporting style, corruption and maladministration are further normalised. Fostering a more strategic, conscious and direct relationship between civil society and the media, will ensure a symbiotic relationship of effective society accountability resulting in better public resource management." (Executive summary)
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"Christianity as the predominant religion in Zimbabwe consists of several faith groupings, each of which responds to public events through the mass media. Mainline churches uphold a conventional human rights approach to faith-based political criticism, while Mapostori or Apostolic churches follow an
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Africanist form of faith and appear to condone some alignment with the authoritarian ruling party. In the sampled media coverage of three online newspapers, the political use of religious strategies or practices from various faith groups by the president and high-ranking party functionaries is reported from either the former government-sanctioned view or an oppositional stance. Moralist reprimand is levied at various politicians from a religious rationale, assuming good and evil, church and state, Christianity and African spirituality, which, however, remain abstract since there is no overall faith-based guidance for political behaviour beyond a secular constitution that still appears utopian. The critical discourse analysis suggests that complex relationships exist among the various faiths, causing diverse religious interpretations of political events. This suspension of Cartesian thinking results in a continuing circular logic of blame and prayer, disaster and prophesy instead of the use of constitutional democratic institutions to hold politicians accountable. Such logic seems sustained by politicized interpretations of spiritual entities, spiritual interpretations of political events and by the perceptions of the Zimbabwean public, who, as believers of one or other faith, is equally at the mercy of opportunistic ‘prophets’ from many denominations as it is targeted by the political powers of the day." (Abstract)
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