"Media and Citizenship challenges some assumptions about the relationship between the media and democracy in highly unequal societies like South Africa. In a post-apartheid society where an enfranchised majority is still unable to fundamentally practise their citizenship and experiences marginalisat
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ion on a daily basis, notions like listening and belonging may be more useful ways of thinking about the role of the media. In this context, protest is taken seriously as a form of political expression and the media’s role is foregrounded as actively seeking out the voices of those on the margins of society. Through a range of case studies, the contributors show how listening, both as a political concept and as a form of practice, has transformative and even radical potential for both emerging and established democracies." (Publisher description)
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"This publication is what we call our Transfer Guide. It serves three different purposes. First, it documents the work done by the IGF Academy team and the eight fellows in 2016. Together, we mapped those stakeholders involved (or who should be involved) in Internet governance in the eight countries
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[Bangladesh, Bhutan, Congo-Brazzaville, Myanmar, Namibia, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Togo] [...] Secondly, the Transfer Guide is an iterative document in that the fellows will continue to work on or adapt various aspects of the process, such as creating more detailed funding and communication strategies or mapping a changing stakeholder environment. As such, the Transfer Guide shows past as well as future tasks and also serves as a reminder of actions to review. Thirdly, this publication aims to transfer knowledge and experience so that others can benefit from the results of this process." (Page 3)
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"This MeCoDEM working paper presents an overview of the main findings from a quantitative content analysis covering different types of democratisation conflicts (i.e., conflicts over citizenship, elections, transitional justice and distribution of power) in four countries: Egypt, Kenya, Serbia and S
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outh Africa. The sample involves 5162 newspaper articles and news stories in the four countries selected on the basis of two main criteria: the degree of independence of media outlets from government and political parties, and their relevance. The key findings from the content analysis are organised around several themes: causes of democratisation conflicts, portrayal of conflict parties, preferred solutions to conflicts, perceptions of democracy, role of the media, authoritarian past, and tone of reporting and polarisation. Although this paper focuses principally on description, we also speculate about the main factors that shape similarities and differences in media coverage of democratisation conflicts. The main finding from the content analysis is that cross-national variations that we found in media reporting of democratisation conflicts appear to depend on several factors." (Executive summary)
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"The structural conditions of journalism are shaped by legacies of the past (marked by non-democratic regimes and sometimes colonial rule) and persisting power structures. The state and powerful political actors are perceived to play an important role in the media sector, mirrored in different forms
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of political interference directed at newsrooms and individual journalists in the way of repressive legal frameworks, political ownership and advertising, economic censorship and blackmail, as well as threats directed at the physical and psychological safety of journalists. Journalists perceive the relationship between different communities in society to be reflected in the constitution of and atmosphere among newsroom staff. Even though journalists operate in a more liberal environment than under autocratic rule in Kenya, Serbia and South Africa, media privatisation has created new dependencies and pressures: Against the background of profit-making pressures in capitalist and highly commercialised media markets, journalists claim to work under precarious working conditions, marked by time constraints due to short-staffed newsroom and juniorisation, high professional insecurity and poor salaries arguably making journalists vulnerable to bribery and corruption. Challenges relating to journalistic professionalism also translate into insufficient training on conflict-sensitive reporting and safety measures for journalists reporting on conflicts, low professional organisation and self-regulation, as well as a lack of professional solidarity and prestige." (Executive summary)
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"National and Regional Internet Governance Forums (NRIs) are the stars of the 2017 Global Information Society Watch. The story of NRIs began two years after the first global IGF held in 2006. In 2008, stakeholders from Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania and Rwanda organised national forums and a subsequent Eas
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t African IGF, to prepare for and discuss common concerns in anticipation of the global forum held later that year in Hyderabad. Soon after, many other national and regional initiatives emerged, impacting the global forum from the bottom up, enhancing inclusiveness and the broad engagement of multiple stakeholders. Today there is widespread agreement that national and regional forums constitute an important part of the IGF process, that their rise has added significance to the global forum and, at the same time, strengthened national and regional initiatives in their quest for inclusive, participatory decision making on their home turf. This GISWatch edition is the first comprehensive look at national and regional IGF initiatives from a critical, civil society perspective. In all, 54 reports are presented, including seven reports addressing cross-cutting themes, 40 covering national IGFs, and seven examining regional initiatives." (Preface)
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"It is often assumed that a robust, free and independent media will contribute to the deepening of democracy by keeping governments accountable and broadening citizen participation in deliberative democratic debates. But in new democracies such as South Africa, the deepening and broadening of democr
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atic participation is often curtailed by challenges such as unequal access to the media, the orientation of mainstream media towards elite audiences and renewed attempts by sources of power to control the free flow of information. Despite the promise of a peaceful, equitable and democratic society after the end of apartheid, conflicts continue to erupt due to continued social polarisation, vast socio-economic inequalities and new struggles for power. In South Africa these conflicts include social protests on a daily basis, repeated outbreaks of xenophobic violence and disruptions to the parliamentary process. This paper probes the role of the media in these conflicts from the perspective of journalists who have reported on these issues. The paper explores ways in which journalists critically reflect on their abilities to perform the roles expected of them within a normative framework informed by the Habermasian ideal of deliberative democracy. The reasons they offer for not fulfilling these roles, and the conditions underpinning these failures, lead them to question the ability of the South African media to contribute to an emerging democracy." (Abstract)
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"Journalists in many countries are experimenting with how to build trust and engage with audiences, and our report examines their efforts. In our study we profile organizations that are working to build bridges with their readers, viewers and listeners and deliver relevant news to local audiences. W
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e surveyed 17 organizations and conducted interviews with representatives of 15 organizations, one of which chose to remain anonymous. Among others we spoke to Chequeado in Argentina, GroundUp in South Africa, Raseef 22 in the Middle East, 263 Chat in Zimbabwe, Krautreporter and Correct!v in Germany, as well as Bristol Cable in the UK [...] Although the groups we surveyed are concerned by the broader phenomena of falling trust in media and media credibility, they are also, by necessity, focused on immediate fixes important to their organizations and readerships. Some believe that media credibility depends on engagement with readers. Some place more emphasis on journalism practices, including audience engagement, ethical standards and news gathering practices. The outlets we profiled use digital technology to communicate with audiences. Some also involve their readers in sourcing and sometimes verifying information. Some conduct focus groups and online surveys. Responding to comments online is part of their engagement efforts. Readers appreciate investigative reporting as well as stories that touch on their daily lives [...] There seems to be a tradeoff between audience size and the quality of content produced. Some groups with large followings (Hivisasa and 263Chat) promote headlines and short snippets rather than carrying out deep investigative reporting [...] Several groups said their audience is different from what their founders had originally expected. The reach of the outlets we surveyed is generally not as diverse as they had hoped. Their audiences tend to be educated and urban and, in some cases, include large diaspora communities. The outlets largely cater to niche audiences, but they have broader reach through their online presence and national influence when their stories are picked up by legacy media or other outlets." (https://gijn.org, accessed: June 8, 2018)
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"The overall conclusion is that there is an urgent need to address the specific legal framework and major technical and financial challenges identified in this study to ensure pluralism and media diversity in the Kingdom of Swaziland." (Page 10)
"Currency research organisations, i.e. organisations conducting research into media use, whose results constitute a nationally valid standard (“currency”) for the advertising business, are of prime importance for developed media systems. In 2017, the global advertising market will reach a volume
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of more than 500 billion US dollars. Nearly a third of that is spent in the USA, but countries such as China, Brazil and Mexico are registering big increases too.(199) Therefore, currency organisations and their research findings contribute not only to the allocation of economically significant resources, but also determine the very existence of media companies and products. Their relevance is thus not only of an (advertising) economic nature, but indirectly bears a political dimension. First and foremost, however, the function of the currency organisations is to provide transparency for the advertisers in terms of the advertising media’s contact performance. The current situation of currency research organisations is heavily shaped on onehand by developments in the media markets, and on the other by historic circumstances and the institutionalisation of the media systems in the various countries. As a general rule, in countries with strongly libertarian institutionalised media such as the USA and Brazil it seems to be harder to establish nationally recognised currencies – in the USA this is even banned through anti-trust laws. Then again, the institutionalisation of currencies may also hit difficulties in a country such as South Korea, where the boundaries between the media and (the rest of) the economic system are somewhat fluid, as the major industry conglomerates have their own media and advertising agencies." (Conclusions)
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"Segmented media audiences often reflect deeper divides within a society. As the relationship between race and class is dynamically changing in South Africa, I investigate to what extent students from different racialised and socio-economic backgrounds differ in their media consumption habits. I con
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ducted a survey (n = 1221) and two focus group interviews (N = 14) at a relatively integrated and prestigious university. Bi- and multivariate analysis revealed that both race and socio-economic background genuinely affected the formation of consumption habits. Students from all groups used local journalistic products, but white students rarely consumed local entertainment productions. Among students from stronger socio-economic backgrounds, consumption preferences converged towards a global entertainment orientation, with types of schooling being more influential than household income. I discuss language barriers, physical access, the relatability of global/local media content, and peer group dynamics as potential underlying mechanisms." (Abstract)
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"The Malawi Broadcasting Corporation (MBC) was established as Malawi's first national radio station when the country gained independence from Britain in 1964, partly with an ideological function of mobilising Malawians for the task of nation building. Since its inception, the broadcaster has been ac
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cused of serving the ideological interests of the ruling elite at the expense of the public good. Content-based evidence supporting this assertion has, however, been lacking. Against this background, a content study of one of MBC's leading television public affairs programmes, Speak Out, was conducted to interrogate a widely-held perception that the broadcaster's staffers interact with dominant ideology passively at the expense of promoting public good. The study was situated in debates between the dominant ideology thesis and the pluralist paradigm of news. Its results show that, contrary to the widely-held claim, the pursuit of the ideological project of nation building at the broadcaster generally conforms to the pluralist paradigm, especially Shoemaker and Vos's gatekeeper thesis which conceptualises journalists who actively engage with programme content as they mediate it. Presenters and producers of the programme use strategies which, to a considerable extent, connote their effort to pursue impartially politically sensitive aspects of the ideological project of nation building." (Abstract)
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"I am proud to present the first ever Media Development Policy. This is the first time in the history of the country that Government has come up with a policy that sets out its vision and mission to promote freedom of expression by guaranteeing press freedom. The Policy is anchored on four main pill
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ars namely: media freedom, media pluralism, media independence and safety of journalists. In this regard, the policy seeks to achieve the internationally agreed media development indicators namely: a system of regulation conducive to freedom of expression, pluralism and diversity of the media, professional and infrastructural capacity building and support institutions that underpin freedom of expression and media as a platform for democratic discourse." (Foreword)
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"The study tested the following hypotheses: the use of subsidised services only forms part of data use; people do not move beyond the use of subsidised services; using the internet first through subsidised services leaves people with less of an understanding of the Internet. Using subsidised data fo
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rms one of many strategies to use the Internet, confirming the first hypothesis. However, the second hypothesis was not confirmed, as respondents moved beyond subsidised data. Concerns that zero-rated data, such as Free Basics locks users into one application, because it is fully subsidised were not supported by this research. What was apparent was the lack of awareness of and favour for this free service. Free services, in particular from mobile network operators, are viewed with scepticism, as the perception is that nothing is completely free. In order to understand the ways in which people make use of the Internet (the third hypothesis), the study had to take into account a number of factors, which included the options to access the internet, motivations for Internet use, why they use the Internet the way they do, and how they use it. Context is a stronger determining factor contributing to what respondents use the Internet for than subsidised data. For example, respondents in rural South Africa favour operators that are dominant in the market because of extensive network coverage and the availability of signal; because family and friends are on the same network; and because of the promotions or rewards that come with using the network. The network that offers subsidised zero-rated content and a lower priced, service specific bundle is not used in the rural community, primarily because it is not available or the quality is poor. Most respondents access the Internet to facilitate efficient communication and find information. Only in Nigeria do respondents use the Internet when they have received rewards data (data received as a bonus or extra after purchasing a service) after recharging from their operator." (Conclusion, page 37)
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"The media play a key role in post-apartheid South Africa and is often positioned at the centre of debates around politics, identity and culture. Media, such as radio, are often said to also play a role in deepening democracy, while simultaneously holding the power to frame political events, shape p
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ublic discourse and impact citizens' perceptions of reality. Broadcasting Democracy: Radio and Identity in South Africa provides an exciting look into the diverse world of South African radio, exploring how various radio formats and stations play a role in constructing post-apartheid identities. At the centre of the book is the argument that various types of radio stations represent autonomous systems of cultural activity, and are 'consumed' as such by listeners. In this sense, it argues that South African radio is 'broadcasting democracy." (Back cover)
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"This book provides a timely and important summary of tabloid journalism in Africa, which clearly shows how tabloids in the African context play a unique role in the democratization process. Prior to this book, very little was known about how tabloid journalists operate in Africa. The book first exp
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lores the global practice of journalism and then focuses on tabloid journalism - finally situating the discussion within the African context. As well as concentrating on how tabloid journalism can be seen as part of the broader neo-liberal thinking in Africa, in which democracy and freedom of expression is promoted, it also looks at how tabloid journalism practice has been met with resistance from the alliance of forces. Chama draws on examples from across the continent looking at success stories and struggles within the sometime infotainment genre. 'Tabloid Journalism in Africa' concludes that even though challenges exist, there is a strong case to suggest that the practice of tabloid journalism is being readily accepted by many people as part of the unique voices of democracy - even those which might be shocking yet true." (Publisher description)
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"Since 1994, the call to de-westernize journalism education and training curricula has been a major narrative in South Africa’s transformation discourses. Journalism education and training institutions have responded to this call by holding conferences, colloquia, seminars and symposia to try and
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find ways of de-westernizing journalism curricula, which they argue are ill-suited to meeting the needs of a ‘new’ democratic and transforming South Africa. However, though these calls have been consistently made both inside and outside Africa, there is no agreement amongst scholars what exactly the process of de-westernization of journalism curricula would entail. This article reflects on the possible trajectories that the process of de-westernization would follow, as well as interrogates the feasibility of de-westernizing journalism curricula in the post-1994 South African context. The article highlights the contradictions and complexities inherent in the de-westernization narrative in South Africa."
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"Governments around the world have dramatically increased their efforts to manipulate information on social media over the past year. The Chinese and Russian regimes pioneered the use of surreptitious methods to distort online discussions and suppress dissent more than a decade ago, but the practice
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has since gone global. Such state-led interventions present a major threat to the notion of the internet as a liberating technology. Online content manipulation contributed to a seventh consecutive year of overall decline in internet freedom, along with a rise in disruptions to mobile internet service and increases in physical and technical attacks on human rights defenders and independent media. Nearly half of the 65 countries assessed in Freedom on the Net 2017 experienced declines during the coverage period, while just 13 made gains, most of them minor. Less than one-quarter of users reside in countries where the internet is designated Free, meaning there are no major obstacles to access, onerous restrictions on content, or serious violations of user rights in the form of unchecked surveillance or unjust repercussions for legitimate speech." (Page 1)
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