"This paper looks at the status of tuberculosis advocacy communication and social mobilization (ACSM) activities in selected national tuberculosis control programmes in the WHO African Region. The findings are from an assessment of tuberculosis ACSM activities in Ghana, Kenya, Lesotho, Malawi and So
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uth Africa." (Page 1)
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"During the 60s, Theatre for Development was introduced into several states in Africa. The focus at that time was to utilize theatre as a tool of communication in development projects. During the 80s Tanzania developed their own variant of this genre through the initiative of the University of Dar e
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s Salaam’s Department of Fine and Performing Arts offering lectures on Theatre for Development. They wanted to develop a supportive theatre and theatrical methods to improve the conditions in their communities. Self-determination and participation for the townspeople in the local conflict resolution process was the department’s keywords. The basic idea was that Theatre for Development should be based on the local and popular theatre traditions. Through popular theatre, the whole population could be gathered whether they be young or old, women, men or disadvantaged. By means of storytelling, dance, drama, music, and songs people were encouraged to express themselves about problems in society. This included both mainstream and marginalized groups that did not usually take part in verbal discussions and express their opinions. The intention was to form a theatre genre that would gather the whole population to contribute to social change and improved living conditions. This introductory paper will focus upon the different methods used in Tanzanian Theatre for Development and will discuss Theatre for Development’s use as a vehicle for social change and increasing awareness about Tanzanian traditions and identity." (Abstract)
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"After independence since the 1960s, the legacies and traditions in the field of media policy led African countries from the three distinct European linguistic spheres (French, English and Portuguese) to draw on the institutional models in use by the former colonial powers. Media policy is a fundame
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ntal issue for democratic consolidation, and one that has received different responses in the French - and English-speaking African public spheres. This article examines the current situation of media regulation authorities in French-speaking sub-Saharan Africa. It outlines the mission of these institutions and identifies the problems they face as they concretise the dialectic between freedom and public control in the media landscape." (Abstract)
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"This anthology aims to portray the “soft” power of Bollywood, which makes it a unique and powerful disseminator of Indian culture and values abroad. The essays in the book examine Bollywood's popularity within and outside South Asia, focusing on its role in international relations and diplomacy
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. In addition to contributions that directly engage with the notion of soft power, a number of essays in the volume testify to the attractiveness of Bollywood cinema for ethnically diverse groups across the world, probe the reasons for its appeal, and explore its audiences' identification with cinematic narratives." (Publisher description)
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"For Al Jazeera English (AJE), the Arab revolutions of 2011 offered an opportunity that news executives dream about. It was the biggest story of the century, it was happening on home territory, and the channel had the expertise and the reportorial staff on the ground at levels its competitors could
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not match. For English speakers around the world, AJE was the indispensable, go-to source of information about what was happening in the streets of Tunis, Cairo, Sanaa, and elsewhere in the suddenly rebellious region." (Publisher description)
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"The history of Uganda from the days of Colonial Rule, when modern mass media was introduced was revisited. The thesis of this study was that the substance of the political governance model inherited from Uganda’s colonial past continues in the postindependence period to define the relationship be
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tween the media and government on the one hand, and within media industry itself. This governance model was grounded in power monopoly, power domination, and power preservation, with the ensuing characteristics of exclusiveness, privilege and intolerance of opposition, difference and diversity. State power was not informed by the discourse of good governance nor did it cater for a democratic environment. Legislative, administrative and strong-arm measures were all strategies of power and control that the colonial government deployed to manage a media deemed non-compliant, and thereby maintain and protect the supremacy of its rule. By the same token, the anti-media freedom measures were also an implicit recognition of the power of the press, understood as a subversive threat." (Conclusion, page 90-91)
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"This technical report seeks to understand the impact of improved access to information technology on farmers’ agricultural production and marketing practices in sub-Saharan Africa, with a specific focus on Niger. Related research suggests in that access to mobile telephony can reduce communicatio
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n and search costs, thereby increasing rural households’ access to price and labor market information. Reducing information asymmetries should, in theory, allow households to better respond to shocks. We find that increased access to a mobile phone via an adult education program increases the diversity of crops planted, particularly marginal cash crops grown by women. This also increases the likelihood that these cash crops are grown, but does not increase the farm-gate price received." (Abstract)
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"The history of development in Africa is littered with all sorts of experiments and projects centred on new technologies often presented as a panacea to the problems of health, education, or agricultural production. The failure of some of those projects shows the limits of the technocentrist approac
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h which has recently resurfaced in the developmentalist discourse and which is based on the idea that technology (and technology alone) can solve all the social and economic problems Africa is facing. This is the case of the educational television in Niger that was supposed to ensure a rapid access to universal education. It started in 1964 and was abandoned in 1979. It failed to transform the educational system in any significant way, the school enrolment rate in Niger still being under 60 %, 46 years after the experiment started. In this paper, I intend to show that this failure was not due to a lack of community involvement as generally advanced by project evaluations, but the result of a confrontation of divergent views of the world and society. Indeed, the educational television has become an issue of both social and political struggle, which resulted in the victory of one of the parties and the allocation of the educational television to other purposes for which it was not previously designed." (Abstract)
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"There is immense difficulty in regulating hate speech on the ground of ethnicity when ethnicity is a prime cehicle for political organization and mobilization. On the one hand, substantive (real) equality demands that certain marginalized ethnic gropus be shielded from hate speech in order to have
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any chance of successfully renegotiating and reclaiming the places they have lost in the society. On the other hand, hate speech regulation should not be used as a pretext for perpetuation of ethnic hierarchies and criminalization of dissent. If the solution is not clear, the Ethiopian example at least casts light on the curious tension between the two sides of the equality paradox." (Conclusion, page 377)
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"In this chapter, we argue that citizen access to information is a catalyst to the achievement of the Millenium Development Goals (MDGs) [...] We examine how citizen access to information varies across a range of population sub-groups, different countries, and across a variety of topics and the exte
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nt to which access to information is related to people's health, finance, livestock, and agricultural practices. We draw on data from the AudienceScapes Research Initiative, gathered in three countries. Zambia, Ghana, and Kenya." (Page 245)
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"Im subsaharischen Afrika orientieren sich die Medien am Entwicklungsjournalismus und am westlichen Journalismusverständnis. Daniel Kuehnhenrich untersucht mit verschiedenen Methoden die Ausprägung dieser Konzepte in den ghanaischen Zeitungen. Seine umfassende Analyse beruht auf der ersten Journal
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istenbefragung in Westafrika, teilnehmenden Beobachtungen in zwei großen Zeitungsredaktionen, qualitativen Interviews mit deren Chefredakteuren und einer quantitativen Inhaltsanalyse von über 1100 Zeitungsartikeln. Die detaillierte und umfangreiche Literaturanalyse ordnet die empirischen Ergebnisse in die subsaharische Presselandschaft ein." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"This volume seeks to impart a deeper understanding of the political nature of the Sudanese press. Through observation, research and analysis, it also conveys a multifaceted impression of Sudanese journalists’ working conditions. It tries to paint an authentic and differentiated picture of their s
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ituation, looking beyond stereotypes of the Sudanese press as “unfree” and hence not worthy of further research. By combining facts and figures with journalists’ personal anecdotes and opinions, I think this volume captures the complexity of the subject." (Introduction, page 5)
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"The improvements in the Arab world were the most significant findings of Freedom of the Press 2012: A Global Survey of Media Independence, the latest edition of an annual index published by Freedom House since 1980. The gains came on the heels of eight consecutive years of decline in the global ave
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rage press freedom score, a phenomenon that has affected practically every region in the world. Furthermore, they were accompanied by positive changes in several key countries outside the Middle East and North Africa: Burma, Indonesia, the Philippines, Thailand, and Zambia. Other countries that registered progress include Georgia, Nepal, Niger, Sierra Leone, and Togo. Three of the countries with major gains—Burma, Libya, and Tunisia—had for many years endured media environments that were among the world’s most oppressive. Both Libya and Tunisia made single-year leaps of a size practically unheard of in the 32-year history of the report. At the same time, press freedom continued to face obstacles and reversals in many parts of the world. China, which boasts the world’s most sophisticated system of media repression, stepped up its drive to control both old and new sources of news and information through arrests and censorship. Other authoritarian powers—such as Russia, Iran, and Venezuela—resorted to a variety of techniques to maintain a tight grip on the media, detaining some press critics, closing down media outlets and blogs, and bringing libel or defamation suits against journalists." (Page 1)
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"Churches in Africa began using tools of social communication from the very beginning of the evangelisation process and, in so doing, helped introduce the Western press model on the African continent. Later on, cinema, radio, and, more recently, television channels and the Internet have been used as
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a means of communication and propaganda by diversified religious groups. Among these tools, denominational radio is currently undergoing unprecedented development. The article focuses on the diversity of these radio broadcasters, the legal framework, the way they operate and their content. It underlines the role played by some of them in development and civil society issues, and sometimes in political debate, far beyond questions strictly related to religious concerns." (Abstract)
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