"This open access book brings into dialogue migration and religion scholars with spiritual leaders and representatives of faith-based organizations assisting refugees. Migration has always been part of spiritual development. The current 'refugee crisis' has brought to the fore debates regarding the
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role of religion in defining difference, linking the 'refugee crisis' with Islam, and fear of the 'Other.' Many religious leaders and politicians invoke religious values and call for strict border controls while many humanitarians use religious values to welcome and assist refugees. This book focuses on politics and discourses mobilized by religious beliefs; lived experiences of religion; and faith actors' responses to forced migration." (Publisher description)
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"At a time when uneven power dynamics are high on development actors' agenda, this book will be an important contribution to researchers and practitioners working on innovation in development and civil society. While there is much discussion of localization, decolonization and 'shifting power' in ci
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vil society collaborations in development, the debate thus far centers on the aid system. This book directs attention to CSOs as drivers of development in various contexts that we refer to as the Global South. This book take a transformative stance, reimagining roles, relations and processes. It does so from five complementary angles: (1) Southern CSOs reclaiming the lead, 2) displacement of the North-South dyad, (3) Southern-centred questions, (4) new roles for Northern actors, and (5) new starting points for collaboration. The book relativizes international collaboration, asking INGOs, Northern CSOs, and their donors to follow Southern CSOs' leads, recognizing their contextually geared perspectives, agendas, resources, capacities, and ways of working. Based in 19 empirically grounded chapters, the book also offers an agenda for further research, design, and experimentation. Emphasizing the need to 'Start from the South' this book thus re-imagines and re-centers Civil Society collaborations in development, offering Southern-centred ways of understanding and developing relations, roles, and processes, in theory and practice." (Publisher description)
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"Disputed Archival Heritage brings important new perspectives into the discourse on displaced archives. In contrast to shared or joint heritage framings, the book considers the implications of force, violence and loss in the displacement of archival heritage. With chapters from established and emerg
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ing scholars in the field of archival studies, Disputed Archival Heritage extends and enriches the conversation that started with the earlier volume, Displaced Archives. Advancing novel theories and methods for understanding disputes and claims over archives, the volume includes chapters that focus on Indigenous records in settler colonial states; literary and community archives; sub-national and private sector displacements; successes in repatriating formerly displaced archives; comparisons with cultural objects seized by colonial powers; and the relationship between repatriation and reparations. Analysing key concepts such as joint heritage and provenance, the contributors unsettle Western understandings of records, place and ownership." (Publisher description)
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"Tracing the institutional history of the radio allowed scholars in the past to analyse the radio as an instrument of the colonial government in India and to show, for example, how the radio in the Indian subcontinent was deployed as part of the British Empire’s propaganda in the colony. As Gupta
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(1995), Zivin (1998), and Pinkerton (2008) argue, during the 1930s, the colonial government used the radio to address a fractured, local set of audiences so that it did not produce a national audience. Indeed, despite the British government’s efforts and Gandhi’s disagreement, and because of the efforts of Fielden, Nehru, and others, the radio was not only deployed by the Indian National Congress and later the Indian government; but by the 1950s, it became seemingly synonymous with the national project. Stepping away from this concern, we asked what did radio as a new sound technology mean in colonial India? In other words, what imaginaries and practices did it bring into effect? In answer, we have demonstrated that early radio in late colonial India transformed sonic imaginings, that is the imagination of sound itself and imaginations through sound—of spaces, territories, and figures. We further argue that radio effects the above in three ways: (i) by re-structuring the geographies of ‘home’, ‘world’, and ‘empire’; (ii) by allowing for variegated audiences that were learning to listen in different ways and lastly, (iii) by re-configuring standards, taste, and programming, variously for rural and urban audiences. Taken together this transformation has a specificity that produces an Indian sonic modernity that is born of conversations with technologies, capitalism, and colonialism." (Conclusion)
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"Based on 16-month ethnographic fieldwork in Shanghai, Ageing with Smartphones in Urban China tackles the intersection between the ‘two revolutions’ experienced by the older generation in Shanghai: the contemporary smartphone-based digital revolution and the earlier communist revolutions. We fin
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d that we can only explain the smartphone revolution if we first appreciate the long-term consequences of these people’s experiences during the communist revolutions. The context of this book is a wide range of dramatic social transformations in China, from the Cultural Revolution to the individualism and Confucianism in Digital China. Supported by detailed ethnographic material, the observations and analyses provide a panoramic view of the social landscape of contemporary China, including topics such as the digital and everyday life, ageing and healthcare, intergenerational relations and family development, community building and grassroots organizations, collective memories and political attitudes among ordinary Chinese people." (Publisher description).
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"An increasing number of states resort to various tools to control the dissemination of information on the internet. The government of Kazakhstan has also become adept at employing censorship methods to silence alternative voices and prevent the public from seeing undesirable critical content. Yet s
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uch systematic internet censorship bears numerous negative consequences for the economy and reputation of the country and has implications for national security. This policy brief discusses the practice and consequences of digital censorship in Kazakhstan and provides policy recommendations for the government." (Introduction)
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"Surveillance infrastructure in China monitors and enables authorities to react to potential risky, miscreant or criminal behaviour. What type of behaviours are perceived to be so, is determined in large part by ideology. Therefore, surveillance infrastructure relies on the machinery of ideology to
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define the boundaries of its use. In this paper, we outline six key ideological concepts relating to governance in Xi Jinping’s China that have helped to expand the boundaries of surveillance. We identify terms embedded in promotional material of Hikvision and other surveillance technology firms as a springboard for conceptual discussion. The aim is to survey the ideological lexicon of concepts that position surveillance within the Party-state’s broad capacity-building ambitions for governance in Xi’s China. This positioning amplifies the political responsibility of state, social and market actors to work together to broaden surveillance activities for ‘society-building’ purposes, and ultimately for the realisation of Xi Jinping’s goal of National Rejuvenation." (Abstract)
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"This article focuses on the launch by the Chinese company Huawei of ICT academies in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), and Kenya especially. Existing literature shows contrasting findings concerning the impact of such formation and recruitment centres. Through high-level thematic and sentiment analyses, th
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is article examines various Huawei accounts on social networking sites (SNSs) – that is, Facebook and Twitter – in order to better assess: (1) the kind of online corporate communication unfolded by the company with particular regard to these centres; and (2) how the advertising of such centres is perceived by users. The results suggest that Huawei’s online corporate requires better fine-tuning with local SNSs’ users." (Abstract)
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"The survey found that 13% of respondents’ organizations are very familiar with Gen AI, while an additional 46% possess a basic awareness. Among those who stated they had basic to good familiarity with Gen AI, 38% reported using it either daily or very frequently. The most common use of Gen AI was
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for research and idea generation, followed by content creation & copy editing, and translation. In terms of the platform, ChatGPT was by far the most widely used, followed by Bing AI, Midjourney, and Dall-E. The majority of respondents (94%) stated that they found Gen AI to be either very useful or somewhat useful. Furthermore 67% of respondents view the future of Gen AI as either very promising (22%) or promising (45%)." (Key findings, page 1)
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"Through interviews with women journalists in the Philippines, this study documents and examines their experiences with online harassment. Three main themes stand out. First, we find that online harassment against journalists follows a systematic process that starts from the top, is followed through
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by a network of social media personalities and an army of trolls, and then completed by ordinary social media users. Second, cases of harassment impact journalists across multiple levels: individually, interpersonally and professionally. Finally, the participants referred to different ways of coping with what they experienced and identified three sources of support: their peers, their organizations and the public. Harassment against journalists has always been gendered, with women journalists finding themselves at the receiving end more often than do their male counterparts, and this has spilled over into digital platforms." (Abstract)
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"In this report we explore the complex interface between power and the fundamental human rights of press freedom and freedom of expression. We also document the challenges for media and attacks to journalists in this time, including at least 140 violations, including killings, jailings, legal harass
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ment and assaults. In the period, the IFJ and its affiliates recorded 13 targeted killings of media workers and 74 cases of jailing, detention or torture. At the time of publication, at least 10 journalists, five in India alone, remain behind bars. In 2023, as we mark the 30th anniversary of the proclamation of World Press Freedom Day by the 48th UN General Assembly, we as media workers must take stock of the challenges for media freedom and the safety of journalists; raise awareness and foster partnerships to defend media from attacks; and pay tribute to journalists who have lost their lives in the exercise of their work." (Foreword)
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"Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine dominates observed Foreign Information Manipulation and Interference (FIMI) activity. Ukraine and its representatives have been the direct target of 33 incidents. In 60 out of 100 incidents, supporting the invasion was the main motivation behind the attack. D
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iplomatic channels are an integral part of FIMI incidents. Russia's diplomatic channels regularly serve as enablers of FIMI operations. They are deployed across wide range of topics. China also uses diplomatic channels, mostly targeting the US. Impersonation techniques become more sophisticated. Impersonations of international and trusted organisations and individuals are used by Russian actors particularly to target Ukraine. Print and TV media are most often impersonated, with magazines seeing their entire style copied. FIMI actor collusion exists but is limited. Official Russian actors were involved in 88 analysed FIMI incidents. Chinese actors were involved in 17. In at least 5 cases, both actors engaged jointly. FIMI is multilingual. Incidents do not occur in just one language; content is translated and amplified in multiple languages. Incidents featured at least 30 languages, 16 of which are EU-languages. Russia used a larger variety of languages than Chinese actors but 44% of Russian content targeted a Russian-speaking populations, while 36% targeted English-speaking populations. FIMI is mostly intended to distract and distort. Russia (42%) and China (56%) mostly intend to direct attention to a different actor or narrative or to shift blame ('distract'). Russia attempts to change the framing and narrative ('distort') relatively more often (35%) than China (18%). FIMI remains mostly image and video based. The cheap and easy production and distribution of image and video material online makes these formats still the most commonly used." (Executive summary)
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"This book is the result of a conference that could not take place. It is a collection of 26 texts that address and discuss the latest developments in international hate speech research from a wide range of disciplinary perspectives. This includes case studies from Brazil, Lebanon, Poland, Nigeria,
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and India, theoretical introductions to the concepts of hate speech, dangerous speech, incivility, toxicity, extreme speech, and dark participation, as well as reflections on methodological challenges such as scraping, annotation, datafication, implicity, explainability, and machine learning. As such, it provides a much-needed forum for cross-national and cross-disciplinary conversations in what is currently a very vibrant field of research." (Back cover)
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"This study looks at the effects of Chinese cultural diplomacy on the African continent. While for a long time China's investments in large infrastructure projects were viewed positively, Joffe now notes a growing awareness both in civil society and in government agencies of ambivalent consequences.
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Many African countries are now groaning under the burden of debt, and about two-thirds of new loans now come from China. This study provides insight into Chinese investments, particularly in the area of international cultural policy. The study's findings highlight the complexity of Chinese engagement in Africa and the various facets of its associated impacts. The author suggests that African actors should ensure that a more equitable engagement develops, where conditions are determined by local needs and culture, and more aggressively advocate for equality, needs, and respect for national sovereignty." (Back cover)
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"Cultural diplomacy has been one component of China’s foreign policy since its very foundation. However, it is only in recent decades that culture has been wielded as a tool to serve high-reaching goals commensurate with China’s rising superpower status and its capacity to contend for global heg
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emony. This study examines China’s recent efforts to enhance cultural exchanges in multilateral and regional platforms. The primary aim is to analyse the rationale, motivations, main initiatives and strategies underpinning China’s cultural diplomacy based on a conceptual framework centred on the notions of cultural diplomacy and hegemonic transition. The author begins by presenting the guiding conceptual framework and providing an overview of China’s overall cultural diplomacy approach over the last two decades. The analysis then delves into China’s engagement in well-established and new multilateral platforms such as UNESCO, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the BRICS group, and regional forums established between China and developing regions. Shifting the focus to Latin America, the research investigates the China-Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) Forum (CCF) as a platform for cultural exchanges and an instrument of China’s cultural diplomacy, and systematizes its cultural initiatives, prioritized areas, key actors involved, and strategies." (Back cover)
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