"Media in small emerging democracies face multiple obstacles caused by “smallness” and the state of “late democratization.” “Smallness” raises the question of how to develop financial independence in these countries. “Late democratization” gives rise to the challenge of maintaining p
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olitical independence. In general, small emerging democracies lack an environment that can enable a culture of independent media. This study selected two Eastern European countries–Slovenia and Macedonia, with a population of about 2 million each, and two Asian countries–Bhutan and Timor-Leste, with populations of around 740,000 and 1.2 million respectively. They all emerged in the “Third Wave” of democratization and were characterized by features of underdeveloped political institutions, insufficient public discourse, and financial vulnerability according to the previous scholarly work. Based on literature review, the researcher found that smallness, along with confounding factors of national identity and economic context, shapes the way media policy is envisioned and developed [...] Using a mixed methodology of interview and documentary research, the researcher found that the reaction of small emerging democracies to the sudden social and political changes tended to have patterns, although they differed in the paths to democratization. Furthermore, the role of media as a watchdog is undermined by the financial dependence on the government of the day. With respect to media governance, the four countries are all marked by the hierarchical mode of governing. This casts light on the fact that media policy should be constructed with input from private sectors and civil societies. A conceptual framework provided by this study can work as an analytical tool for researchers who are interested in studying similar-sized countries." (Abstract)
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"Wie wird koloniale Gewalt historisch thematisiert? Wie gehen dokumentarische Filme und geschichtspolitische Diskurse mit ihr um? Robert Stock nähert sich diesen Fragen mit kritischem Blick auf den Kolonialkrieg Portugals in Afrika und den nationalen Befreiungskampf Mosambiks. Dabei fokussiert er s
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eine Untersuchung auf die Gestaltung, Funktion und Reflexion historischer Zeugenschaft. Am Material von bislang wenig beachteten Filmproduktionen über die Dekolonisierungsprozesse zwischen Mosambik und Portugal seit den 1970er Jahren analysiert er die sich verändernden Deutungsweisen der kolonialen Vergangenheit." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"As a part of Russian soft (or coercive) power disinformation and propaganda have become key elements in an updated Russian security policy since 2012/13. For Russian leadership disinformation and propaganda have become key instruments to impact domestic debates in EU member states and in the neighb
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ourhood of the EU. This policy aims to weaken cohesion in the EU and its image in the neighbourhood and has become so successful because of the shrinking self-confidence of Western democracies. This study analyses Russia‘s communication strategy with regard to its influence in Serbia and Estonia. What are the tools that are used? What are the aims behind disinformation and fake news stories? It shows that a formerly reactive response from a perceived position of weakness has turned into a well-executed communication strategy that makes use of vulnerabilities to sow discord. National elites in the target countries play a key role for the success or failure of this policy." (Abstract)
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"This paper provides research-based evidence and analysis to assist donors and other stakeholders in taking decisions and setting priorities on the types of interventions and funding modalities to strengthen independent media in the countries of the Eastern Partnership, in particular Russian-languag
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e media. The final goal is to provide citizens of these countries with unbiased news and information, and a greater plurality of voices, free from commercial and political influence. This brief paper is developed based on the updated GA produced by BCME in FebruaryMarch 2018 (see the Executive Summary of GA findings), and discussion between donors and independent media from the EaP that was held by BCME in Riga in June 14-15, 2018." (Page 1)
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"This brief provides research-based evidence and analysis to assist donors in taking decisions and setting priorities on the types of interventions and funding modalities to strengthen independent media in the countries of the Eastern Partnership, in particular Russian-language media. The final goal
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is to provide citizens of these countries with unbiased news and information, and a greater plurality of voices, free from commercial and political influence." (Objective, page 1)
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"The 43 country reports included in this year’s Global Information Society Watch (GISWatch) capture the different experiences and approaches in setting up community networks across the globe. They show that key ideas, such as participatory governance systems, community ownership and skills transfe
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r, as well as the “do-it-yourself” spirit that drives community networks in many different contexts, are characteristics that lend them a shared purpose and approach. The country reports are framed by eight thematic reports that deal with critical issues such as the regulatory framework necessary to support community networks, sustainability, local content, feminist infrastructure and community networks, and the importance of being aware of “community stories” and the power structures embedded in those stories." (Back cover)
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"The study reveals key aspects of digital connectivity in the lives of refugees at the Ritsona camp in Greece in January 2017. Of the approximately 750 residents of the camp, 135 adults were sampled and interviewed [...] Mobile phone access is 'important' to over 80% of refugees in this study. Women
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are less likely to own a mobile phone than men - 94% of men own a phone, compared to 67% of women [...] Approximately 2 of every 5 refugees participating in this study may be classified as moderately to severely depressed according to the validated depression scale used in the survey. Women have a higher probability of being moderately to severely depressed compared to men (58% v. 34%) [...] Many refugees have a unique sense of the people and platforms they would or would not trust with their sensitive information. Thirty-three percent (33%) said they have been asked to provide information about themselves that they would rather not have given. Eighty-six percent (86%) said they would not be concerned about giving their personal information to a UN official. Yet for Facebook, 30% expressed concern about giving the social media site their personal information, 52% were unconcerned, and 15% were unsure." (Key findings, page 5-6)
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"Media subsidies have proved useful and appropriate as means to attain both economic and value-related objectives. Media companies often prefer indirect (and less transparent) ‘fuel’, while States favour direct subsidies. However, there is little scientific research on the actual impact of media
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subsidies. Any causality is difficult to establish since external factors abound and subsidies are not critical to economic success, at least in the for-profit media business. Non-commercial, local and citizen-based media as well as certain books and films only exist because some kind of subsidy has been available to them. In times of severe/structural crisis in the media world (Trappel et al. 2015) subsidies should be considered by both companies and governments as one revenue-generating factor among others – possibly the smallest one, possibly one to be called upon only temporarily and possibly despite the risk for the beneficiaries’ independence. Experience has shown over many decades that this latter concern cannot be substantiated and that subsidies are unlikely to compromise journalistic work as long as their providers respect democratic rules and procedures. In other words media policy should not discard the subsidies tool altogether, but develop modalities and designs that make for appropriate and democratic support of the media. Good practices can be found all over Europe." (Page 89)
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"Ziel dieser Studie ist es, empirische Fakten und Hintergründe zum Phänomen Fake-News in Deutschland zu liefern. Der Fokus der Untersuchung liegt darauf, wer an der Entstehung und Verbreitung von Fake News in der digitalen Öffentlichkeit beteiligt ist, wie groß die Reichweiten und wie erfolgreic
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h die Gegenmaßnahmen, zum Beispiel das sogenannte “Debunking” der Fact-Checker, sind. Über einen Zeitraum von sechs Monaten bis zur Bundestagswahl am 24. September 2017 wurden dafür zehn Fake-News-Fälle mit nationaler Reichweite beobachtet, ausgewählt und untersucht. Die Datenbasis war dabei umfassend; untersucht werden konnte ein Großteil der deutschen Online-Öffentlichkeit: öffentlich zugänglichen Facebook-Seiten waren demnach ebenso Bestandteil, der deutschsprachige Twitterraum, aber auch Online-Nachrichtenseiten, Blogs, Foren und die Videoplattform YouTube. Die Untersuchung der Fake News, die zur Bundestagswahl 2017 in Deutschland geteilt wurden, birgt Überraschungen. Einige zuvor medial geäußerte Befürchtungen traten so nicht ein. Weder zeigte unsere empirische Untersuchung viele Fake News aus Russland, die in der Öffentlichkeit signifikante Verbreitung fanden, noch zeigten sich bedeutende Vorgänge aus dem linkspopulistischen Raum. Auch inhaltlich gab es kaum erfolgreiche Desinformation, die sich beispielsweise mit den beiden Spitzenkandidat:innen von SPD und CDU/CSU befassen. Fake News, so wie sich das Phänomen in Deutschland empirisch darstellt, werden vor allem von Rechten, Rechtspopulist:innen und Rechtsextremen verbreitet. Dabei bildet die AfD die Speerspitze der Verbreitung, in sieben von zehn von uns dokumentierten Fällen ist sie unter den Top-10 der reichweitenstärksten Verbreiter. Das rechtspopulistische Netzwerk ist jedoch größer und besonders in den sozialen Netzwerken (allen voran: Facebook) aktiv. Hierzu zählen Medien, wie die Epoch Times, genauso wie rechte Blogs. Doch nicht alle Fake News gehen allein auf das Konto der Social-Media-Kanäle à la Facebook und Twitter: Auch redaktionelle, “klassische” Medien spielen eine Rolle. Mal als versehentlicher Katalysator, mal als bewusster Auslöser, zumeist allerdings als kritisches Korrektiv und Richtigsteller falscher Informationen, wie Süddeutsche.de oder der Faktenfinder der ARD. Andere Medien dagegen machen sich auffallend oft zum Verbreiter von Fake News, wie Bild.de oder Welt.de. Unsauberes Arbeiten betrifft in zwei Fällen auch die dpa, die Deutsche Presse-Agentur, die vor allem eine unrühmliche Rolle bei der Verbreitung der Fake News zum Volksfest in Schorndorf einnahm. Neben Medienhäusern sind zudem staatliche Stellen oder Behörden bei der Verbreitung beteiligt und können selbst zum Auslöser von Fake News werden. Schuld daran ist oft unprofessionelle oder mindestens sorglose Öffentlichkeitsarbeit, ob von der Polizei auf Twitter oder bei der Auskunft staatlicher Stellen gegenüber Medien. In allen von uns dokumentierten Fällen nutzen rechtspopulistische Akteure diese Ungenauigkeiten und instrumentalisieren diese für ihre ideologische Kampagne als Teil ihrer Kommunikationsstrategie. Thematisch bewegen sich die untersuchten Falschinformationen vor allem im Themenfeld “Flüchtlinge und Kriminalität”. Die Flüchtlingskrise, die auch eines der großen Themen der letzten Bundestagswahl war, dominiert demnach unsere Cases: 8 der 10 Fake News haben das Thema „Flüchtlinge“. Insgesamt erzielen Fake News im Vergleich zu regulären Nachrichten klassischer Medien in der Regel nur überschaubare Reichweiten, es sei denn, klassische Medien sind bei der Verbreitung beteiligt. Die große Fake News – das ist die gute Nachricht – blieb in Deutschland aus. Gründe dafür sind zum einen hohe Vertrauenswerte in das hiesige Mediensystem, aber auch die weitaus geringere Bedeutung der Social-Media-Kanäle als Informationsquelle im Vergleich zu den USA. Die stärkste im Rahmen dieser Studie gemessene Fake News betraf eine Meldung über ein Volksfest in der badenwürttembergischen Stadt Schorndorf, auf dem “angeblich 1.000 Migranten randaliert hätten”, so das Narrativ der Fake News. Sie erzeugte ein Engagement von etwa 500.000, dies bedeutet, dass allein eine halbe Million Nutzer:innenaktivitäten in Form von Shares, Likes oder Comments in den Sozialen Netzwerken messbar waren." (Executive summary)
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"By publishing this anthology, we would like to help steer the research agenda away from ‘videogame addiction’ as a psychological pathology ascribed to the individual and towards a situated understanding of problem gaming as something that takes place between people in the socio-cultural context
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s of everyday life. That is, we propose that scholars consider substituting the concept of ‘problem gaming’ for the concept of ‘video game addiction’ and that the research community as well as the public, seriously question the general assumption that problems related to excessive gaming should necessarily be approached as addiction problems." (Introduction, page 9)
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"This report, which follows the Council of Europe’s list of “Indicators for Media in a Democracy”, intends to provide an analysis of the current media situation based on the standards upheld by this list. The aim of this report is to raise awareness on the status of affairs in the media scene
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for an array of actors, such as policymakers, government representatives, media professionals, professional associations, media experts, and civil society. The report is based on methodology that uses varied instruments and feedback from different relevant actors that affect legal, political, economic, and professional environment for media operation. Apart from collecting and classifying statistical data from publicly available sources, existing research, and surveys, the primary research consisted also in legal analysis conducted for the purpose of comparing Council of Europe standards to domestic legislation, carrying out of surveys with stakeholders, and in-depth interviews with key players in the media fi eld, judges, government representatives, parliament, and public institutions. Using a specially designed questionnaire, a survey was conducted on a sample of 110 editors-in-chief, media owners, and journalists of different media outlets across the country, including representatives from minorities. In-depth interviews were conducted with media owners, media managers, and editors of mainstream media outlets, as well as with other actors with direct input and knowledge on media scene, such as the Audiovisual Media Authority, public broadcaster RTSH, journalist trade union, professional associations, the Media Council, journalists from various media, etc." (Introduction, page 7-8)
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"A list of 30 EU member states' national media support projects between 2005 and 2018 "where the European Commission, after a preliminary examination, finds that no doubts are raised as to the compatibility with the common market of a notified measure, in so far as it falls within the scope of Artic
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le 87(1) of the EC Treaty." (commbox)
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"This paper explores the institutional campaigns against human trafficking and sexual exploitation in Spain between 2008 and 2017 and their role in helping to shape this issue as a matter of public concern. Our aim is to identify the ideological basis of these campaigns through their representations
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of predominant actors, which have been systematized to identify possible mistakes and to help determine more effective actions with a greater capacity for mobilization. We applied a mixed content analysis combined with a semiotic model to evaluate the presence or absence of the different actors and their relevance in each case. Several lines of discourse have been reiterated accross the 50 campaigns analysed: Curbing the demand for prostitution as a priority objective; the centrality of victims in the representations; the role of the consumer of paid sex as an accomplice to the crime; and the correlation between prostitution and human trafficking. We will also examine how these issues relate to the broader dispute on the status of prostitution in Spain. This will require a conceptual shift away from educational and social-oriented communication towards the structural causes, collective responsibility and transformative justice frameworks." (Abstract)
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"Designed as a text with introductions to each section and chapter, the volume brings together diverse perspectives on globalization and communication and includes significant emerging aspects of International Communication research such as diaspora audience and global publics." (Publisher descripti
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on)
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"Inspired by the research agenda set out by Fazey et al. (2018) for climate researchers mentioned earlier, one can argue that the most critical question for journalism is no longer about solely informing about the problem of climate change, but about engaging in the how-to of transformative changes
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necessary to avoid catastrophic man-made climate change. The Guardian’s 'Keep it in the ground' campaign is one way of tackling this challenge. Yet engagement can be done in several ways. While the campaign makes a powerful case for journalism to engage more in a reciprocal dialogue with the public, adhering to its core value of public trust, but also because a newspaper needs an engaged public to survive - it also makes the case for sticking to what journalism knows best: newsrooms are not set up to campaign like a campaigning organisation. Yet there should be room for experimentation and various ways of doing journalism, especially in a time where new solutions and models are in demand as the old ones crumble." (Conclusion)
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