"Mit geschätzten 400 Millionen Internetnutzern (Juni 2010) ist die VR China vor den USA der größte nationale Internetmarkt. Nach den USA und Japan bildet China den weltweit drittgrößten Markt fur Informations- und Kommunikationstechnologien. Die drei an der US-amerikanischen Nasdaq-Borse gehand
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elten chinesischen Web-Portale Sina.com, Souhu.com, Netease.com, das Web-Portal Tom.com, das zu mehr als 50 Prozent dem reichsten Mann Asiens, dem Hongkonger Tycoon Li Ka-shing, gehört und Chinas führender B2BPortalbetreiber Alibaba.com unter Leitung von Jack Ma, sind die wichtigsten Akteure des chinesischen Internet. Im Jahr 2018 will China 70 Prozent seines gesamten innerchinesischen Handels uber E-Commerce abwickeln. Der chinesische Internetnutzer ist jung, wohnt in der Stadt, verfügt als Student über eine gute formale Ausbildung, aber nur ein kleines Einkommen. Das ländliche China, das nach wie vor zwei Drittel der Bevölkerung umfasst, ist bislang vom Internet so gut wie ausgeschlossen. Kulturelle Besonderheiten des chinesischen Internet sind die weit verbreitete Online-Spielsucht, die intensive Nutzung des Netzes fur Poesie und virtuelle Friedhöfe." (Zusammenfassende Thesen, Seite 27)
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"Internet censorship and surveillance becomes more sophisticated. The first-generation controls like China's "Great Firewall" are being replaced by techniques that include strategically timed distributed denial-of-service (DDoS) attacks, targeted malware, take-down notices and stringent terms-of-usa
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ge policies. Their aim is to shape and limit the national information environment. This publication reports on these new trends and their implications for the global internet commons. In addition, it offers 32 detailed country profiles on internet surveillance from the Commonwealth of Independent States, the Middle East and North Africa, Asia and Europe." (CAMECO Update 2-2010)
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"This article aims at understanding the popularity and cultural and social significance of the highly prominent Chinese television show Super Girls’ Voice (the 2005 season), a talent contest largely modeled upon “reality shows” such as American Idol in the United States and Pop Idol in the Uni
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ted Kingdom. We focus particularly on whether the show, as some critics have claimed, has altered the power relationship between the media and the audience. Theoretically, we follow Couldry’s (2000) framework and consider the media’s construction of the symbolic boundary separating the “media world” and the “ordinary world” as crucial to the legitimization of media power. Based on an analysis of media discourses, review of publicized materials about the show’s organization, and a focus group study on young female audience members, we contend that the Super Girls’ Voice has involved a temporary suspension of the media/ordinary boundary. Yet the boundary was re-established toward the end of the show, thus relegitimizing media power. The audience members, meanwhile, were largely complicit throughout the process: they both enjoyed the temporary suspension and the ultimate re-establishment of the media/ordinary boundary." (Abstract)
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"This book highlights the importance of the news media as watchdogs, agenda setters and gatekeepers for the quality of democratic deliberation in the public sphere. At the same time, it theorizes that the capacity of journalists and media systems to fulfill these roles depends on the broader context
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determined by the profession, the market and the state. Media systems' performance often falls far short of the ideals, as succesive case studies from different world regions demonstrate. Finally, the book asks what policy interventions work effectively to close the gap between the democratic promise and perfomance of the news media as an institution. The final chapter, "Policy recommendations", concludes (page 406): "Interventions include reforms directed at strengthening the journalistic profession, notably institutional capacity building, through bodies such as press councils, press freedom advocacy NGOs, and organizations concerned with journalistic training and accreditation. Other important reforms seek to overcome market failures, including developing a regulatory framework for media systems to ensure pluralism of ownership and diversity of contents. Finally, policies also address the role of the state, including deregulation to shift state-run broadcasting to public service broadcasting, overseen by independent broadcasting regulatory bodies, and the protection of constitutional principles of freedom of the press, speech, and expression." (commbox)
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"Asia’s Media Innovator’s Vol 2 is the offspring of the earlier book that appeared in 2008. This new volume consists of studies of innovations at media companies in the region. The success of these media companies shows the dynamism in the region, and reflects its potential for growth. Each chap
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ter covers various forms of media, including online newspapers and broadcast outlets. Every couple of weeks a new chapter will be published online." (KAS website)
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"This is a compilation of 13 essays and studies that show the role social networking is playing in political communication in Asia. Each of the 13 chapters describes how various online social communities and networks such as Twitter, Facebook and blogs, are being used as tools in general political c
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ommunication in Asian countries — both in an active and passive way. This book talks about presidents, prime ministers and politicians, and their first steps with Facebook and Twitter, and about the politically motivated bloggers who take personal risks to expose their opinions to a wider audience. On the other hand, 'Social Media and Politics' shows the impact that politics can have on social network users and how social media has become the information source of choice for journalists and voters." (Back cover)
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"Since the 1990s journalism education programs have expanded exponentially around the world, but media freedom has not. Globally comparative, this edited volume assesses journalism education and the challenging environment in which it is delivered in countries with a partly free or not free status a
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ccording to global press freedom. The countries covered include China, Singapore, Cambodia, Palestine, Oman, Egypt, Kenya, Tanzania, Brazil, Russia, Romania, and Croatia. Contributors demonstrate through careful analysis that wealthy nations are able to set the terms of their journalism education while less affluent countries are more open to the influence of foreign NGOs. Although this book evidences the disconnection between what is taught and what can be practiced, it also illustrates the degree to which journalism education can be an agent of change." (Publisher description)
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"This book examines different models from around the world of how journalism can support deliberation - the processes in which societies recognize and discuss the issues that affect them, appraise the potential responses, and make decisions about whether and how to take action. Authors from across t
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he globe identify the types of journalism that might best assist or even drive deliberative activity in different cultural and political contexts. Case studies from 15 nations spotlight different approaches to deliberative journalism, including strategies that have sometimes been labeled as public or civic journalism, peace journalism, development journalism, citizen journalism, the street press, community journalism, social entrepreneurism, or other names. Each of the approaches that are described offer a distinctive potential to support deliberative democracy, but the book does not present any of these models or case studies as examples of categorical success. Rather, it explores different elements of the nature, strengths, limitations and challenges of each approach, as well as issues affecting their longer-term sustainability and effectiveness." (Publisher description)
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