"Contrary to the optimistic view that the Internet would promote democracy in authoritarian countries like China, the pervasive political apathy among younger generations calls for a closer examination of micro-level individual political participation. This study contributes to the nascent body of e
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mpirical literature probing Chinese Internet users' political participation online by examining related behavioral and attitudinal factors. We argue that Chinese netizens' online participatory behaviors are determined by their political attitudes, trust in the media, and, chiefly, trust in the social system. Importantly, the current political and social environment in China seems to truncate any liberalizing potential of the Internet, as evidenced by the limited online political discussion and strong presence of government regulation. This dynamic implies that any utopian predictions concerning political participation online need to be reformulated in light of these external contextual factors." (Abstract)
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Souvent considéré comme une activité des plus nuisibles, le piratage des contenus audiovisuels n’en constitue pas moins, depuis des décennies, pour de nombreuses populations aux quatre coins du monde, un moyen majeur d’accéder aux produits des industries culturelles. Nourri d’enquêtes de
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terrain, cet ouvrage explore les enjeux que recèle ce phénomène complexe. Le point de vue adopté est multiple et international. Alors que le piratage est généralement pensé exclusivement à partir de la question du téléchargement sans paiement des droits en Amérique du Nord ou en Europe occidentale, il est ici appréhendé dans toute la variété de ses manifestations, en privilégiant les pays du Sud et de l’Est : des marchands de CDs et DVDs contrefaits de Bogotá ou Alger, jusqu’aux politiques de défense des droits de propriété artistique de Washington ou Séoul, en passant par les pratiques des adeptes moscovites des réseaux peer-to-peer.
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"How do Chinese journalists cover climate-Change stories – and what opportunities for international cooperation in the field of climate change reporting exist for funders, NGOs and governments? These are the two related questions that this report attempts to address. The report – produced jointl
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y by chinadialogue, Caixin media and International Media Support (IMS) – is based on research carried out in June 2010. The author distributed questionnaires and conducted indepth, semi-structured interviews of participants at a climate-Change fellowship for 10 journalists and editors from around China, organised by Caixin media and IMS." (Introduction, page 8)
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"Cyrus Farivar explores the Internet's history and effects in four distinct and, to some, surprising societies—Iran, Estonia, South Korea, and Senegal. He profiles Web pioneers in these countries and, at the same time, surveys the environments in which they each work [...] Skype was invented in Es
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tonia—the same country that developed a digital ID system and e-voting; Iran was the first country in the world to arrest a blogger, in 2003; South Korea is the most wired country on the planet, with faster and less expensive broadband than anywhere in the United States; Senegal may be one of sub-Saharan Africa's best chances for greater Internet access." (Back cover)
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"Eine Serie von Fallstudien – unter anderem zur Funktion von Blogs und Microblogs als „bottom- up journalism“ und zu Aktivitätsfeldern des chinesischen „hacktivism“ – verdeutlicht, welches Potenzial politischer Mobilisierung auch im chinesischen Kontext in der internetbasierten Kommunik
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ation liegt. Becker dokumentiert eine beachtliche Kreativität und Optionsvielfalt in der Umgehung staatlicher Zensurmaßnahmen. Die kommunikativen und technischen Aspekte des verbreiteten Ausweichverhaltens werden vom Autor systematisch aufgeschlüsselt. Die immer aufwändigeren Gegenmaßnahmen, die staatliche Sicherheitsorgane gegen politisch unliebsame Formen des Internet-Aktivismus ergreifen, bleiben in ihrer Effektivität begrenzt. Technische Ausweichmöglichkeiten und fortschreitende gesellschaftliche Liberalisierung werden eine staatliche Kontrolle des Internet auf Dauer unmöglich machen. Der politische Liberalisierungsdruck wird sich durch massenhafte Internetnutzung weiter verstärken – auch wenn dies nur mit Verzögerung zu Veränderungen im „analogen“ politischen System und keinesfalls zwangsläufig zu einer Demokratisierung nach westlichen Vorstellungen führen wird." (Sebastian Heilmann: Geleitwort, Seite 19)
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"This article examines e gao (online spoofs) as a popular form of political expression which has recently emerged on the Chinese internet. I first introduce a cultural approach to internet-mediated political communication that emphasizes discursive integration and the mutual constitution of communic
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ative activity and subjectivity. I then discuss how these two dimensions are configured in the specific media ecology in China with regard to the emergence of e gao. I will analyse the political implications of e gao through a close reading of the two most influential cases. Granted that these online spoofs neither qualify as rational debates aiming to achieve consensus nor have produced any visible policy consequences, but they constitute a significant component of civic culture that offers both political criticism and emotional bonding for all participants." (Abstract)
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"Im Rahmen seiner Darstellung der Aktivitäten der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung in China beschreibt der Autor in einem Unterkapitel (Seite 180-193) die Medienzusammenarbeit der FES in China zwischen 1980 und 1990." (commbox)
"The book provides a glimpse into how China has tried to tell its story to the world. The introduction chapter outlines the broader context for the examination of Chinese public diplomacy. It discusses some of the emerging themes concerning the spirit and practice of the country’s image-building e
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fforts. Chapter 2 provides an overview of the trends and developments in Chinese public diplomacy, and discusses how China’s authoritarian system has benefits as well as drawbacks for its soft power pursuits. In the next three chapters, we examine some of the major Chinese external propaganda and communication platforms, including Beijing Review, CCTV International (renamed CCTV News in April 2010), and government news conferences and spokespersons [...] Chapter 6 takes on a relatively new topic of the increasing role of Chinese corporations in the process of public diplomacy. It examines the complex interplay between corporate branding and nation branding in the example of a leading Chinese company’s corporate social responsibility engagement in Africa. The ensuing two chapters cover China’s image promotion related to the Beijing Olympics from two different vantage points. Chapter 7 discusses the promotion of the Olympics to the Chinese domestic public, who were expected to be model citizens helping to deliver a positive image of China during the Games. This can be viewed as a case of how “charm offensive” begins on the home front. Chapter 8 sheds light on the role of the ever more active Chinese diaspora in national image management through its mobilization in defense of China’s image during the international leg of the Olympic torch relay. To provide some historical context to the discussion of China’s contemporary endeavor, Chapter 9 examines how the conception of “international propaganda” was formulated and institutionalized in early twentieth century China. It highlights the role of Chinese intellectuals in promoting China’s international communication. Our last essay explores higher education as a site of image-construction. It ref lects on how American college students read and evaluate China based on their perspectives and news sources. It ends with an imaginary dialogue between a Chinese journalist and an American journalist on mutual misperceptions, and possibilities for change, providing an “enjoyable and hopeful” conclusion to the book." (Preface, pages ix-x)
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"Die Forderung nach Sicherheit im Internet, besonders in Hinblick auf die persönlichen Daten, die Gewährung der Freiheit dieses Mediums ohne staatliche Eingriffe, die Diskussion um adäquate Formen des Urheberrechts und seiner Durchsetzung sowie eine Fokussierung auf die Risiken verbunden mit eine
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m latenten Vorwurf eines unbedingten Reglementierungswillens des Staates sind Eckpunkte der deutschen netzpolitischen Debatte. Die Publikation soll mit Blick auf die netzpolitischen Entscheidungen in anderen Ländern einen Referenzrahmen bieten, der die Diskussion in Deutschland befruchten kann." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The Xinhua News Agency is China's largest state news agency. It is also the largest news agency among developing countries. This research examines the changes Xinhua has undergone over the past three decades under the backdrop of (a) the end of the Cold War, (b) the trend of globalization and vario
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us challenges it has brought to world news agencies, (c) drastic changes in both international and national news agencies across the world, and (d) China's eager desire to become a world superpower. Three questions are studied: What are the major changes that Xinhua has experienced since China adopted the reform policy in 1978? What factors have contributed to the transformation Xinhua has undergone? and What are the implications of Xinhua's transformation? The primary material/data were obtained from field research at the headquarters of the Xinhua News Agency in Beijing, China." (Abstract)
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"This paper examines the relationship between a broadcaster’s research methods and aspects of the environment in which it operates, specifically its accountability to its funders and the growth of interactivity by its users. It is concerned with (1) how the BBC World Service’s funding by the UK
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government’s Foreign & Commonwealth Office (FCO) means that it has to account for its activities to some extent in terms of the global conversation which it fosters; and (2) how the recent growth of interactive and social media enhances possibilities for worldwide engagement and conversation, but also increases the complexities of measurement. This is because users are dispersed across the globe (they are no longer confined to a geographical area of radio reception) and they are interactive: instead of merely listening or viewing, they talk back to the BBC, and they talk with one another. New tools and techniques are needed to measure these new flows and forms of interaction (and they also beg new professional and organisational practices). In a case study of the BBC’s Chinese service, the paper explores what the BBC knows of its audience or users; and, in a content analysis of online forums, it explores some of the issues and possibilities that arise in researching online interaction, the sort of research data and analysis that might be seen as necessary in the context of organisational accountability and the emerging interactive media environment." (Summary)
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"Relying heavily on scores of first-hand accounts collected through interviews, the studies examine the practice of public diplomacy largely from the perspective of American practitioners in different countries. The analyses follow the standard field officer approach, asking systematically: what iss
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ues in local public opinion should we be addressing; who should we engage; how can we best engage them; and how well are the programs working? This is an ongoing process at every field post, involving local staff and constant attention to contacts. The studies in this book focus on field operations during one period of time, broadly from the end of the Bush administration to the early Obama administration, so comparisons can be made between them to determine which practices are common and which are unique [...] The first chapters in this book offer analyses of public diplomacy operations in specific countries in Europe, Africa, Southwest Asia, and Asia. Four other chapters focus directly on the specific question being asked by practitioners and scholars today: What is the role of the new media in public diplomacy? Two chapters present findings that advance our understanding of the role of the private sector, and the parallel roles of the State Department and the Peace Corps. The final chapter summarizes best practices from recent field experiences." (Preface, page x)
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"This book discusses the question of soft power and public diplomacy challenges in East Asian context. Both concepts originate in the West, and in a sense this book can therefore be seen as an exercise in critically assessing soft power and public diplomacy in a different geographical and cultural s
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etting." (Publisher description)
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"This article addresses a long-standing question: What are the political consequences of the rise of the Internet and the attendant emergence of netizens in China, particularly in terms of China's democratic prospects? Given the Chinese state's firm control in the realm of traditional media, the Int
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ernet has been expected to bring about political and social change in China since its introduction. Although scholars have had divergent views on what this change might look like, there has been no systematic effort to produce representative evidence to address the debate. Examining a nationwide representative survey data set, this study finds that Chinese netizens, as opposed to traditional media users and non-media users, are more politically opinionated. In addition, they are more likely to be simultaneously supportive of the norms of democracy and critical about the party-state and the political conditions in China, while also being potential and active participants in collective action. This article argues that, despite the competent authoritarian state, a more decentralized media system enabled by technology has contributed to a more critical and politicized citizenry in China's cyberspace. The Internet has made it possible for China's media system to undertake a new, albeit restricted and contingent role as a communication institution of the society. As critical citizenry, China's netizens constitute a new social force challenging authoritarian rule." (Abstract)
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"Literature about China’s role in Africa suggests that China’s presence on the continent is often viewed in stark binary terms, as either an exploitative, predatory force or a benevolent, development partner. An analysis of attitudes in the South African media over the last three years (if De Be
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er & Schreiner’s 2009 study is included), suggest that overall a more balanced view of China is emerging. Individual reports may still take an either/or stance, but when considered on the whole and across a range of media platforms, China is not represented in either a starkly positive or starkly negative light. It would seem that a cautiously optimistic attitude characterizes South African media coverage. The overall balance between positive, negative and neutral statements may suggest an understanding that China’s role in Africa is a complex one, which cannot be pigeonholed as either a ‘bad’ or ‘good’ news story. South Africa’s association with China as a partner country in the BRICS formation might in future continue to shape positive coverage. The large component ‘neutral’ statements may also reflect the strong influence of the normative values of ‘objectivity’ and ‘balance’ on South African professional journalism practice." (Conclusion, page 16-17)
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