"This paper aims to give insights into my research on media assistance and its effects on democratisation and state building processes in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Bosnia). I try to analyse a process which lasts more than 15 years, and includes different aspects, from law making to establishing new me
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dia. I argue that most of the measures have been carried out in a state of imposition, in a semi-protectorate, that is Bosnia after the war. This period of post-war reconstruction in Bosnia is difficult to research for many reasons, starting from the obvious fact that processes are still going on, to the fact that different international players who were involved in the process over the years, hardly left archives available to the public to be analysed. What is left sometimes does not give a complete picture. In the paper different methods will be presented, that have been applied in order to overcome these difficulties. Thus, I try to give some recommendations for other researchers working on similar topics." (Abstract)
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"Both media organizations and the organization of media in Bosnia and Herzegovina have been profoundly affected by ethnocentrism, political clientelism, the withdrawal of international donors, and the financial crisis. As a result, the country’s march towards digitization has been protracted and u
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neven. Nevertheless, there have been recent signs of progress, with the installation of digital transmitters developing apace in 2012. Advances in the rest of Europe have put pressure on authorities to get their act together and the new deadline of 2014 for analog television switch-off may yet be achievable. This report proposes a series of compelling policy recommendations aimed at catalyzing the digitization process, improving the function of public service broadcasting, and enhancing the stability and independence of both media markets and the regulatory institutions that oversee them. These include a call for new legislation on media ownership; ensuring efficient work of the Digital Terrestrial Television Forum with a view to expediting switch-over; a new system of funding for the Press Council; a range of measures to protect the autonomy of the Communications Regulatory Agency; and greater coordination between public broadcasters and adherence to their mandates." (Website Open Society Foundations)
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"Croatia is well ahead of the curve. Experimental broadcasting via digital signals began in 2002 and the last analog television signals were switched off in September 2011. The country has the highest free-to-air digital terrestrial coverage in Europe, exceeding 99 percent of national territory, and
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it is the main television platform for the majority of the population. Television remains the dominant medium for both information and entertainment. However, the internet is the most trusted medium for news and information. Radio has experienced a marginal decline in listenership, but print media have been hit hardest by the global economic downturn and audience migration online. In the final analysis, this report finds that policy has been responsive to digitization and that the process has done much to democratize and pluralize Croatian media. It has not yet, however, neutralized the power of dominant media organizations, or indeed the influence wielded by political elites and advertisers. There is also evidence that in response to digitization, journalism across sectors has become increasingly tabloid and oriented towards soft news, and there are uncertainties as regards the sustainability of public interest media." (Website Open Society Foundations)
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"With the second-highest penetration of IPTV in Europe, it appears that the Slovenian population has keenly embraced new media platforms at the expense of radio, newspapers, and satellite TV. But the changes and implications for media diversity and society more broadly have stopped short of anything
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that could be considered a digital revolution. Key challenges remain, particularly in securing a sustainable future for the quality news sector. From a consumer and citizen’s perspective, digitization has succeeded in expanding the quantity and accessibility of news and information, but not the quality and diversity of content. In combination with the lingering effects of the financial crisis, the independent performance of the media at large is under threat. This remains the over-arching challenge for policymakers." (Website Open Society Foundations)
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"Generally, data about media development support are not complete and reliable due to insufficient classification categories in the DAC system, so the EC and most other international institutions and organisations share the problem of not having solid knowledge about the scope and size of support in
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this field. This is also the case in the CRIS data base, which does not distinguish for example between public diplomacy and media support [...] As a consequence, the amounts and other figures in this report should not be taken as exact values. But the mapping does show some clear trends and tendencies despite the weakness ofthe basic data, and the main findings are: According to the information available in the CRIS data base and the definition of projects applied for this support, the total amount spent on media development and freedom of expression in the period 2000-2010 has been 148,4 Million Euro. More than half of the total amount has been spent in the neighbour countries East and South of the EU. More than 40 % has been spent in the Western Balkans, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Russia, Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine and Turkey, while 12,5 % has been spent in the Middle East and North Africa. 24,3 % of the total funds have been spent in Sub-Saharan Africa. The EC support for media development and freedomof expression has been limited compared with the bilateral support from EU. Member States and other bilateral donors. For comparison the Swedish budget for media support from SIDA in 2012 is 26 Million Euro and DfiD supports the BBC Media Action with more than 20 Million Euro per year. The funding comes from a variety of thematic and geographic Instruments with the European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights, EIDHR, as the single biggest source, which accounts for 41 % of the total support. Other significant Instruments are IPA, CARDS, ENPI and MED. The main focus has been on training of journalists and editors in journalistic skills and professional standards. Other initiatives have been support to reform of media related legislation and direct support to endangered journalists and writers. The projects supportedby the EC have not been different from projects funded by bilateral donors. Very few projects have benefitted from the potential comparative advantages of the EC/EU as a multinational entity. Very few projects have been designed and implemented in cooperation with member states or other donor agencies, and the projects do not reflect on-going internal medla developments in the EU. There seems to be more focus on EU visibility than on EU additionallity. The top ten contract holders have implemented 36 % of the total project value with BBC Media Action as the single biggest partner, which has implemented almost ten percent of the total project value in the period 2000-2010. lnternews (with lnternews Europe as the biggest entity) comes second with 4,6 % of the total project value followed by the International Federation of Journalists with 3,4 % of the project value. The EC is seen as a “difficult“ or “bureaucratic“ donor agency, which is difficult to approach for smaller organisations because the possible funding does not correspond with the paper work needed to apply for support." (Executive summary
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"This report is the cluster evaluation of 12 UNDEF-supported projects related to the media. It concerns projects that either focused on media capacity building or included a significant element of work with the media. The projects were implemented between 2007 and 2011; they lasted between 12 and 24
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months. The total budget of the 12 projects was US$3.519m (including evaluation costs of US$20,000 to 25,000 per project). Eleven of the projects covered individual countries – six projects in Africa (two of which in Sierra Leone), four in Asia, one in Europe – and one was global. National civil society organizations (CSOs) implemented four of the projects, while international non-governmental organizations (NGOs) or their local affiliates implemented the other eight." (Executive summary)
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"The book presents the results of a comprehensive qualitative research study conducted in 2011 with journalists and editors in more than 20 newsrooms of different media outlets. Several authors analyzed different aspects of the reporting on diversity issues, on the basis of the views and opinions of
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interviewed journalists. The reasons for the deep professional and ethical crisis of the journalism are analysed and its negative impact on the role of the media in promoting social cohesion and dialogue among different communities. The study looks deeply into the established organizational practices and principles of the news production process and sheds light on the context and factors that influence the daily work of journalists. Two case studies are also presented – how the media reported on delicate interethnic and interfaith events." (www.mediaobservatory.net, January 27, 2015)
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"The report analyzes 27 aspects of the media system of Serbia, basing on principles established by the Council of Europe as desirable standards in media legislation and practice. Each of 27 parts of the study describes the legal regulation of the subject matter and then provides available facts abou
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t the actual situation. The report concludes that only 4 principles are consistently and fully implemented (such as freedom to enter journalistic profession, freedom of access to the Internet and foreign media, etc), while drastic deviations from the European standards are found in media market operations, independence of media from political influences, labour-related and social rights of journalists and their safety. The report points out that the blind spot of the Serbian media system are informal alliances of ruling political forces and big industrial and commercial businesses which are allowed to infiltrate the media in a non-transparent way and fulfill through them the common interests of the state and the businesses. The report is based on surveys with editors of 240 news media, 69 media owners, 40 senior officials of political parties, 50 representatives of national minority communities, 26 interviews with representatives of state organs and with 12 journalists from the media experiencing particular pressure on editorial independence." (http://mediaobservatory.net, January 27, 2015)
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"The Global Journalist in the 21st Century systematically assesses the demographics, education, socialization, professional attitudes and working conditions of journalists in various countries around the world. This book updates the original Global Journalist (1998) volume with new data, adding more
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than a dozen countries, and provides material on comparative research about journalists that will be useful to those interested in doing their own studies. The editors put together this collection working under the assumption that journalists' backgrounds, working conditions and ideas are related to what is reported (and how it is covered) in the various news media round the world, in spite of societal and organizational constraints, and that this news coverage matters in terms of world public opinion and policies. Outstanding features include:"Coverage of 33 nations located around the globe, based on recent surveys conducted among representative samples of local journalist, comprehensive analyses by well-known media scholars from each country, a section on comparative studies of journalists and an appendix with a collection of survey questions used in various nations to question journalists" (Publisher description)
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"The paper analyses the relation between media and the Eastern Orthodox religion - the dominant religion in Romania. We will examine three contexts: (1) the existing sociological theories on religion and their relevance for understanding the Orthodox world today, (2) the religious media and (3) the
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secular media in Romania. The paper argues that the relationship between media and religion in the Eastern Orthodox world is difficult to explain using the nowadays theoretical framework of the sociology of religion. Therefore, we choose to use the „religious publicization" hypothesis in our attempt to explain the increasing use of religious symbols and themes, in the Romanian public sphere." (Abstract)
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"The Report is composed of four thematic parts. Part 1 describes the conceptual framework and relates the findings of the Networked Readiness Index (NRI) 2012. In addition, Part 1 features selected expert contributions on the general theme of hyperconnectivity. Part 2 includes two case studies showi
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ng the efforts that two countries, Azerbaijan and Mauritius, are making to develop ICT and fully leverage their potential benefits. Part 3 comprises detailed profiles for the 142 economies covered in this year’s Report, providing a thorough picture of each economy’s current networked readiness landscape and allowing for international comparisons of specific variables or components of the NRI. Part 4 includes data tables for each of the 53 variables composing the NRI, with rankings for the economies covered as well as technical notes and sources for the quantitative variables used." (Executive summary, page xi)
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"Kosovo has marked a number of improvements in the legal provisions pertaining to the media sector with the establishment of the law on access to information, decriminalization of libel and improvement of the criminal code and law on RTK. Considerable work, however, still remains to be done in the p
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roper implementation of the existing legislation and a mechanism to monitor the implementation is necessary. This is particularly important with the Law on Access to Public Documents, as non implementation is limiting journalist’s ability to factually document stories, making them susceptible to mistrusted sources and other pressure. Besides professional pressure, journalists are still subject to physical attacks and threats and more inconspicuous forms of pressure such as financial instability, lack of proper contracts and an inefficient judicial that can’t adequately protect their rights. Due to the economic conditions in the country and its impact on outlets, out of the job professional development for journalists can be unaffordable and lack quality. While some university level academic programs are trying to establish a foothold in the niche, they are still too young. In the meantime, non-academic preparation programs are few and far in between, often delivered by unprofessional trainers. The aforementioned issues are not aided by an overall fragile public broadcaster, who would in other instances be setting the benchmark of professional standards for all media. With financing problems making the RTK potentially susceptible to political and other forms of influence, the medium has lost its initial credibility. Nonetheless, as part of its financing problem has been resolved with a new law, it remains to be seen how well the public broadcaster will perform." (Conclusion, Page 21)
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"Seit jeher provozieren Kriege heftige Emotionen. Mit dem Fortschritt militärischer Techniken und Propagandamethoden ging aber auch eine Veränderung der Wahrnehmung von Kriegen durch die Künste einher. Bis heute konstruieren die Literatur, die Fotografie, der Film und das Fernsehen Abbilder von K
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riegsschauplätzen in aller Welt, die ihr Publikum durch die Aufrufung bestimmter ideologischer Rahmungen, Raster oder auch Pathosformeln gezielt zu emotionalisieren versuchen. Namhafte Autorinnen und Autoren aus der internationalen Literatur-, Kultur- und Medienwissenschaft untersuchen verschiedenste Phänomene der historischen und der aktuellen Kriegsinszenierung - in der Literatur seit dem 18. Jahrhundert, im Kino und in den neuen Medien." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"This paper is the first detailed account of the BBC's engagement with journalism in Romania after the fall of communism, including a description and evaluation of the journalism training carried out by the BBC in the country in the 1990s. Drawing on interviews with a cohort of journalists who were
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trained at the BBC School in Bucharest, it describes the media landscape from which they came and charts their professional progress after attending the training course. Their disillusionment with the decline in journalistic standards in Romania in the late 1990s is put in the context of wider assessments of the state of Romanian media in the run-up to the country's joining the European Union in 2005. Initiatives to establish and support a model of public service broadcasting in Romania after the “revolution” of 1989 were seen as part of a wider effort to build an open society. While Romania's goals of joining NATO and the European Union were achieved by 2005, there is considerable evidence of its continuing failure to respect the norms of liberal democracy. This paper investigates the reasons why the journalistic values which the BBC taught to 500 young Romanian journalists did not take root in the country's media and asks what lessons can be learned for similar interventions 20 years on." (Abstract)
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"GISWatch 2012 explores how the internet is being used to ensure transparency and accountability, the challenges that civil society activists face in fighting corruption, and when the internet fails as an enabler of a transparent and fair society. The eight thematic reports and 48 country reports pu
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blished ask provocative questions such as: Is a surveillance society necessarily a bad thing if it fights corruption? And how successful have e-government programmes been in fighting corruption? They explore options for activism by youth and musicians online, as well as the art of using visual evidence to expose delusions of power. By focusing on individual cases or stories of corruption, the country reports take a practical look at the role of the internet in combating corruption at all levels." (Back cover)
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"This book aims to provide a context in which a clear link can be traced between the politics of memory and its manifold representations and misrepresentations in public media towards a viable politics of justice. The assumption is that public awareness and perceptions of injustice, whether they are
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political, economic, or social, depend on the mass media of communication for recognition and valorization – including, today, new communication and information technologies such as social media platforms. Undoubtedly this assumption is based on a system in which mass media can operate independently, fairly, and in a balanced and unbiased way: in other words, according to a much vaunted and fast vanishing ‘public service ethos’ imbued with high standards of truthtelling, objectivity, balance, and accountability. A parallel assumption is that if the public is made aware and has access to relevant information and knowledge, it will be motivated to pressure governments for reform, reparation, and – in the best possible scenario – some kind of consensus between all parties on ways to move forward as a nation. As we have pointed out above, this argues for an a priori ‘right to memory’ that affirms and protects those frameworks and structures of collective memory that guarantee the physical, psychological, and symbolic integrity of a group of people or, indeed, a nation. There are many aspects to the debate." (Introduction, page 17)
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