"This volume examines the lived experiences of Africans and their interaction with different kinds of media: old and new, state and private, elite and popular, global and national, material and virtual. By offering a comparative, critical and largely qualitative account of audiences and users across
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a range of national contexts in different regions of Africa, the book examines media through the voices and perspectives of those engaging with it rather than reducing audiences and users to numbers and statistics, ready to be exploited as potential target markets or as political constituencies. The critical, qualitative research perspective adopted in this book enables us to gain a better understanding of how African viewers, listeners and users make sense of a range of media forms; what role these play in their everyday lives and what audience and user engagement can tell us about how citizens perceive the state, how they imagine themselves in the wider world and how they relate to each other. The book argues that the experiences of audiences and engagements of users with a range of media—newspapers, radio, television, magazines, internet, mobile phones, social media—are always grounded in particular contexts, worldviews and knowledge systems of life and wisdom: ‘It is akin to the tortoise. The tortoise never leaves its shell behind. It carries it wherever it goes’ (Chivaura 2006: 221). African media audiences and users carry their contexts and cultural repertoires in the same way a tortoise carries its shell. Thus far, the bulk of academic research on media and communication in Africa has addressed the policy and regulatory aspects as well as the relation between media institutions and the state (Willems 2014a). While studies on media, democratization and press freedom are invaluable, the ways in which ordinary people make sense of, and relate to, media in their everyday lives are largely left beyond consideration. As Barber (1997: 357) has pointed out, ‘[w]hat has not yet been sufficiently explored is the possibility that specific African audiences have distinctive, conventional modes and styles of making meaning, just as performers/speakers do. We need to ask how audiences do their work of interpretation’." (Page 4)
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"The main task of the study was to evaluate, from the perspective of Burundian (n=58) and Ugandan (n=183) journalists the feasibility of making operational the normative frames of peace reporting as expounded by peace journalism scholars against the more entrenched news frames that favour conflict o
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r violence [...] The findings discussed in this chapter show that, overall, Burundian and Ugandan journalists still emphasise the frames of conflict or violence as viable news values. The survey results confirm the claim by scholars who have observed that conventional journalism frames that favour conflict or violence are well-entrenched and routinely influence media content. The rootedness of the frames of conflict or violence is evident across gender and years of journalism experience. This rootedness is most likely due to the training which is still dependent on literature and models of what Galtung and Ruge identified as favouring the conflict or violence framing of news." (Conclusion, page 231-232)
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"The fortieth anniversary of the independence of the African countries colonized by Portugal presents a valuable opportunity to reassess how colonialism has been «imagined» through the medium of the moving image. The essays collected in this volume investigate Portuguese colonialism and its filmic
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and audio-visual imaginaries both during and after the Estado Novo regime, examining political propaganda films shot during the liberation wars and exploring the questions and debates these generate. The book also highlights common aspects in the emergence of a national cinema in Angola, Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau. By reanimating (and decolonizing) the archive, it represents an important contribution to Portuguese colonial history, as well as to the history of cinema and the visual arts." (Publisher description)
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"Governments around the world have dramatically increased their efforts to manipulate information on social media over the past year. The Chinese and Russian regimes pioneered the use of surreptitious methods to distort online discussions and suppress dissent more than a decade ago, but the practice
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has since gone global. Such state-led interventions present a major threat to the notion of the internet as a liberating technology. Online content manipulation contributed to a seventh consecutive year of overall decline in internet freedom, along with a rise in disruptions to mobile internet service and increases in physical and technical attacks on human rights defenders and independent media. Nearly half of the 65 countries assessed in Freedom on the Net 2017 experienced declines during the coverage period, while just 13 made gains, most of them minor. Less than one-quarter of users reside in countries where the internet is designated Free, meaning there are no major obstacles to access, onerous restrictions on content, or serious violations of user rights in the form of unchecked surveillance or unjust repercussions for legitimate speech." (Page 1)
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"Following decades of civil war, South Sudan still lacks a functioning healthcare system and has some of the worst maternal and child health indicators in the world. To help address this, between 2012 and 2017 BBC Media Action produced and broadcast a range of national radio programmes seeking to in
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fluence knowledge, attitudes, discussion and the social norms most likely to drive improvements in the RMNCH-related behaviours of women and their families. It also worked to strengthen the capacity of local radio stations to produce similar high-quality, audience-driven health programming. This report presents a synthesis of all research and analysis completed under this project. In brief, it finds that the challenging country context (e.g. the limited availability of quality healthcare nationally and the ongoing humanitarian crisis) limited the extent to which the project was able to contribute to improved health outcomes. Despite this, audiences were generally optimistic about the shows’ influence and value, and reported gaining knowledge and making some behavioural changes as a result of tuning in. Likewise, local radio station partners reported that the capacity-strengthening support had improved their technical skills, editorial confidence and engagement with audiences." (BBC Media Action website)
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"Radio from its beginning has been a revolutionary technology adaptable both to violent overthrow of corrupt regimes and gradual almost unheeded social change. This issue of WPCC invited submission of papers on the subject of radio and revolution. We suggested that revolution be intended in its broa
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dest sense, encompassing not only the violent overthrow of governments and their counter measures but also revolution in the sense of radical social change. Radio’s long set of histories and traditions of activism and community-building are foremost in this issue’s material. This editorial reflects on key themes of the journal issue: motivations of free radio practitioners, key phases in development of community broadcasting, radio’s potential for social liberation of several kinds and its claims to be a form of mass self-communication in which users also take charge of the media platform itself and lastly radio’s presence alongside social media like Twitter in contemporary activism and protests." (Editorial abstract)
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"Cette étude présente une évaluation du développement des médias à Madagascar dans un contexte de retour au fonctionnement démocratique des institutions suite à la crise politique des années 2009-2013 qui s’est traduite par une forte instabilité politique et un marasme économique. Elle
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est basée sur les Indicateurs de Développement des Médias (IDM) de l’UNESCO. Son intervention devrait constituer un outil pour la promotion du développement des médias." (Résumé exécutif)
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"National in scope, this survey of Kenyan journalists conducted in 2012–2013 (n = 504) examines job autonomy in news selection decisions, media freedom and predictors of journalistic autonomy. The research also investigates the relationship between Kenya’s media freedom and journalistic autonomy
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. Findings show that over half (59%) of respondents believe that there is enough media freedom in Kenya. Similarly, there is a positive correlation between media freedom and journalistic autonomy—a relationship though moderate is statistically significant. While four in 10 Kenyan journalists have “some freedom” in deciding what to include in news, only 15.5 per cent enjoy “almost complete freedom,” and 31.7 per cent have “a great deal of freedom.” When analysed by demographics and work-related variables, male journalists reported higher autonomy than their female colleagues. Older and more experienced journalists have more freedoms than those who are younger and limited in work experience. Journalists with advanced education (doctorate and MA degree holders), those employed on full-time basis, and high monthly earners enjoy more job autonomy. Kenyan journalists working for international media organisations reported far higher autonomy than those in the local media. Job satisfaction and job autonomy emerged as the strongest predictors of journalistic autonomy in the Kenyan media." (Abstract)
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"Media and Citizenship challenges some assumptions about the relationship between the media and democracy in highly unequal societies like South Africa. In a post-apartheid society where an enfranchised majority is still unable to fundamentally practise their citizenship and experiences marginalisat
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ion on a daily basis, notions like listening and belonging may be more useful ways of thinking about the role of the media. In this context, protest is taken seriously as a form of political expression and the media’s role is foregrounded as actively seeking out the voices of those on the margins of society. Through a range of case studies, the contributors show how listening, both as a political concept and as a form of practice, has transformative and even radical potential for both emerging and established democracies." (Publisher description)
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"This publication is what we call our Transfer Guide. It serves three different purposes. First, it documents the work done by the IGF Academy team and the eight fellows in 2016. Together, we mapped those stakeholders involved (or who should be involved) in Internet governance in the eight countries
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[Bangladesh, Bhutan, Congo-Brazzaville, Myanmar, Namibia, South Africa, Sri Lanka, Togo] [...] Secondly, the Transfer Guide is an iterative document in that the fellows will continue to work on or adapt various aspects of the process, such as creating more detailed funding and communication strategies or mapping a changing stakeholder environment. As such, the Transfer Guide shows past as well as future tasks and also serves as a reminder of actions to review. Thirdly, this publication aims to transfer knowledge and experience so that others can benefit from the results of this process." (Page 3)
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"This MeCoDEM working paper presents an overview of the main findings from a quantitative content analysis covering different types of democratisation conflicts (i.e., conflicts over citizenship, elections, transitional justice and distribution of power) in four countries: Egypt, Kenya, Serbia and S
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outh Africa. The sample involves 5162 newspaper articles and news stories in the four countries selected on the basis of two main criteria: the degree of independence of media outlets from government and political parties, and their relevance. The key findings from the content analysis are organised around several themes: causes of democratisation conflicts, portrayal of conflict parties, preferred solutions to conflicts, perceptions of democracy, role of the media, authoritarian past, and tone of reporting and polarisation. Although this paper focuses principally on description, we also speculate about the main factors that shape similarities and differences in media coverage of democratisation conflicts. The main finding from the content analysis is that cross-national variations that we found in media reporting of democratisation conflicts appear to depend on several factors." (Executive summary)
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"The structural conditions of journalism are shaped by legacies of the past (marked by non-democratic regimes and sometimes colonial rule) and persisting power structures. The state and powerful political actors are perceived to play an important role in the media sector, mirrored in different forms
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of political interference directed at newsrooms and individual journalists in the way of repressive legal frameworks, political ownership and advertising, economic censorship and blackmail, as well as threats directed at the physical and psychological safety of journalists. Journalists perceive the relationship between different communities in society to be reflected in the constitution of and atmosphere among newsroom staff. Even though journalists operate in a more liberal environment than under autocratic rule in Kenya, Serbia and South Africa, media privatisation has created new dependencies and pressures: Against the background of profit-making pressures in capitalist and highly commercialised media markets, journalists claim to work under precarious working conditions, marked by time constraints due to short-staffed newsroom and juniorisation, high professional insecurity and poor salaries arguably making journalists vulnerable to bribery and corruption. Challenges relating to journalistic professionalism also translate into insufficient training on conflict-sensitive reporting and safety measures for journalists reporting on conflicts, low professional organisation and self-regulation, as well as a lack of professional solidarity and prestige." (Executive summary)
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"In this volume of essays edited by Anya Schiffrin, media capture is shown to be a growing phenomenon linked both to the resurgence of authoritarian governments as well as to the structural weaknesses presently afflicting media markets. In this environment, political figures and economic elites are
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colluding to undermine the independence of privately-owned media, and efforts to stop this collusion by activists, regulators, and the international community have proven to be ineffective." (Publisher description)
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"Social media and digital technology offer immense potential for citizens, policymakers and practitioners to raise awareness of, monitor, and respond to violence. With Kenya’s elections approaching, technology can help to raise awareness of insecurity, support early warning, combat incitement of v
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iolence and promote accountability. However, digital technology also carries a number of risks. To maximise effectiveness and inclusivity, 1) greater support must be given to locally legitimate peace messaging and counter-speech; 2) government, media and civil society should collaborate to improve transparency and accountability in the regulation of online activity; and 3) social media monitoring of violence should be undertaken in conjunction with other reporting systems that seek to overcome inequalities in digital access and use." (Abstract)
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According to the executive summary "Facebook’s Free Basics program aims to help bridge the digital divide through a mobile-based platform that allows users to connect to a handful of online services free of charge [...] This paper highlights the following findings: Language: Free Basics does not m
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eet the linguistic needs of target users [...] Content and usability: Free Basics features an imbalance of sites and services [...] Net neutrality: Free Basics violates net neutrality principles [...] Privacy: Facebook is accessing unique streams of user metadata from all user activities on Free Basics, not just the activities of users who are logged into Facebook." The Free Basics app was tested in six countries, with programs from five different operators: Colombia (Tigo), Ghana (Tigo), Kenya (Airtel), Mexico (Virgin Mobile), Pakistan (Telenor), and the Philippines (Globe).
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"This Radio Distribution Module contains the collective knowledge of the Internews South Sudan team gained over three years’ experience conducting radio distributions within the United Nations Protection of Civilians sites (PoCs) and surrounding communities [...] “Part I. Context” describes th
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e information and media landscape in South Sudan and the continued prominence of radio in people’s lives. It summarizes research on the importance of information access for health, education, and peacebuilding outcomes, and highlights Internews’ radio distribution activities in service of these aims. “Part II. Case Study” details radio distributions conducted in the Bentiu PoC and Malakal to expand information access and listenership for Boda Boda Talk Talk and Nile FM programs. The case studies also include lessons learned, particularly the adaptive programming over time, in order to offer recommendations for future radio distributions." (Page 3)
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