"This study examines media coverage of the 2011–2012 famine in Somalia by the websites of BBC News, CNN and Al-Jazeera. Using a combination of quantitative and qualitative content analyses, it explores why coverage of the famine began as late as it did, despite ample evidence of its inevitable unf
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olding, as well as the manner in which the famine was explained in popular news accounts. The study surveys famine-related news reports for evidence of four paradigms present in the current literature on famine and its causes, through which the famine could have been understood: as a Malthusian competition between population and land; as a failure of food entitlements; as critical political event; and as an issue of criminality. The findings include an overwhelming reliance on Malthusian explanations of famine, and noticeable under-reporting of the famine – despite ample evidence – until it was formally declared as such by the United Nations." (Abstract)
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"Das Thema Medien und Krieg wird in diesem Buch aus einer vierfachen Perspektive heraus behandelt. Es geht zum einen um die Frage nach der Berichterstattung über Kriege, zum zweiten um die Rolle von Medien im Krieg, drittens geht es darum, welche strukturellen Bedingungen von Krieg und Gesellschaft
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die Inhalte der Medien wie prägen und viertens um eine friedensstiftende Sicht auf diese Zusammenhänge. Das Fazit: Definitorisch gibt es kaum noch einen Unterschied zwischen medialer Kommunikation und Krieg." (Publisher description)
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"With the liberalisation of the airwaves and the rising use of mobile phones since the 2000s, call- and text-in shows have become popular and lively features on broadcast media in Eastern Africa. Amidst expanding possibilities for listeners to speak and contribute to live radio broadcasts, new ways
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of imagining the position of the audience emerge. The audience is not simply comprised of passive listeners of publicly broadcast information, but actively engaged in contributing and reacting to what is aired. Yet the nature and political potential of the ‘audience-public’ is not straightforward. Interactive radio and TV shows are not just introducing specific audience members into the discussion, but who they are, what they represent, their influence and contribution to the space are uncertain. As audience members engage, those who manage and shape the broadcast must imagine, interpret and respond. Each participant in the discussion –whether listening, or involved in the station – producing, hosting, etc. – must come to terms with the nature of the interaction, Who is engaged? How should they respond? What are their reasons for being engaged and how might the introduction of this indeterminate audience-public relate to their intentions? Given the plurality of subjectivities, information, roles and intentions of those involved, the audience and why it matters can be imagined in multiple and competing ways. This paper interrogates how different actors involved in the radio broadcast imagine and respond to audience participation, and how these imaginaries become politically significant. This paper draws predominantly on interview and observation data on the perspectives of station hosts, guests and frequent callers of selected media houses and interactive broadcast shows in Zambia and Kenya. It examines the dynamic, plural and conflicting ways in which the audience is being reconstructed as an active ‘public’. In so doing, it shows the centrality of the imagined audience in the construction of the broadcast as a ‘public’, specifically how the indeterminate audience becomes the basis for competing imaginaries about power, authority and belonging. The political significance of the ‘audience-public’, it is argued, lies in the very fact that multiple and competing imaginaries are at play, which are invested in by actors pursuing diverse ends and thereby create tangible political effects." (Abstract)
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"[This publication] documents harassment and intimidation by government and ruling party officials against the media and civil society, particularly outside the capital, Kampala. The police, district officials, internal security officials, and the country’s broadcasting regulator visited and calle
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d stations to silence critical or independent voices. Journalists have been suspended and radio stations threatened with closure for hosting opposition members as guests. Likewise, state agents visited nongovernmental organizations working on governance, human rights, and oil sector transparency, threatened them with deregistration and closure, and in some cases, physically assaulted and arrested NGO activists. A pending law threatens to create broad and vaguely worded crimes for legitimate civil society work. The government and all other relevant authorities should respect and protect the freedoms of expression and association and cease intimidating and harassing journalists and civil society members. The government of Uganda should respect and uphold its obligations under international human rights law and Uganda’s own constitution to protect freedom of speech and voters’ right to receive and obtain information at this critical time. Unless remedied, violations of these basic rights will impede Uganda’s ability to hold free and fair elections." (Abstract)
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"This project aims to address a clear practical and methodological gap that exists in current efforts to tackle hate speech and its effects on communities in conflict zones—namely, how do we identify and contextualize the particular kind of language that’s likely to cause violence? Rather than a
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ssessing the existence or prevalence of hate speech language, this project instead examines terms and their use in a particular country context. To successfully monitor and counter hate speech, we must first identify specific terms and the social and political context that makes them offensive, inflammatory, or even potentially dangerous. Therefore, PeaceTech Lab has produced this lexicon of terms used online during a particular period of South Sudanese conflict that began in December 2013 in order to analyze how they contributed to the conflict. This initiative also seeks to identify alternative language that would mitigate or counter the impact of this speech on the conflict and thereby help build peace in the country. Finally, this resource intends to inform other individuals and organizations involved in monitoring and countering hate speech in South Sudan—and potentially elsewhere—so that their work can be more effective." (Introduction)
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"This book identifies the strengths and weaknesses of different methodological approaches to research in communication and social change. It examines the methodological opportunities and challenges occasioned by rapid technological affordances and society-wide transformations. This study provides gr
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ounded insights on these issues from a broad range of proficient academics and experienced practitioners. Overall, the different contributions address four key themes: a critical evaluation of different ethnographic approaches in researching communication for/and social change; a critical appraisal of visual methodologies and theatre for development research; a methodological appraisal of different participatory approaches to researching social change; and a critical examination of underlying assumptions of knowledge production within the dominant strands of methodological approaches to researching social change." (Publisher description)
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"The Disaster and Emergency Preparedness Programme (DEPP), established by the Communicating with Disaster Affected Communities (CDAC) Network, focuses on establishing accountability on the part of emergency response actors in South Sudan to the affected population they serve. This baseline addresses
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the DEPP objective by investigating the information needs of the IDP community in South Sudan and the relevance, timeliness, and effectiveness of information sharing responses on the part of humanitarian agencies. To meet these objectives, Forcier Consulting designed a mixed methods study involving Key Informant Interviews (KIIs) with six Juba-based emergency response actors and a quantitative survey conducted online with 71 members of the South Sudan CwC Working Group. These studies were designed in close consultation with the CDAC Network and were conducted in November and December 2015, respectively." (Executive summary)
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"Based on the analyses of Rwandan and Kenyan cases, hate speech legislation is not an appropriate tool to prevent harm emanating from hate speech. The empirically verifiable costs of the tool by far outweigh its putative benefits. In Rwanda, opposition politicians are convicted for criticising gover
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nment policies, and journalists sentenced to decades of imprisonment for covering sensitive issues, held in pre-trial detention for years to be finally acquitted, driven into exile and forced to practise self-censorship. Whole news media are suspended or completely closed for providing platforms for anti-government stances. The persecution of individual politicians and journalists has a great negative impact on society. Access to unbiased information is impeded and the ‘Marketplace of Ideas’ destroyed. Instead of supporting a process of reconciliation, the laws are used to suppress a necessary, healthy and constructive debate on sensitive topics of the past. As a result, citizens strive to switch to other forms of conflict resolution, which ‘ironically’ means that hate speech legislation itself is misused to settle personal disputes. Rwandan hate speech legislation has itself become a tool that fuels further conflict. While the Rwandan government abuses hate speech legislation to silence its critics in order to secure its power position, the Kenyan government employs hate speech provisions to justify its surveillance of Kenyan citizens. At the same time, politicians who publicly call for displacements and violence are allowed to escape punishment in the name of cohesion." (Conclusion, page 96)
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"Internews has launched a three-part learning module on Boda Boda Talk Talk, the hyperlocal humanitarian information service currently operational in four United Nations Protection of Civilians Sites (PoCs) across the country. Part I of the module focuses on the theory and rationale behind a communi
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ty-led audio program produced to radio broadcast standards, describing how the political and humanitarian context in South Sudan—and unique local information ecosystem within the UN PoC sites—influenced BBTT’s design. Part II is a case study that describes how BBTT was designed and rolled out in Tong Ping (Juba) and Malakal/Wau Shilluk, including sections on challenges, adaptive programming, and recommendations for similar projects." (Internews website)
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"Boosting health care in rural areas is a serious challenge. Involving local radio stations can help. In northern Uganda, a local FM station supports the fight against leprosy." (Introduction)
"The Union of Tanzania Press Cubs, UTCP, is an umbrella organisation, which supports a total of 28 local Press Clubs all over the country. The organisation describes its vision as: “A democratic Tanzania fully embracing a free, independent and robust media”, and the mission is formulated as: “
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To create an environment that enables strong, efficient and effective Press Clubs in Tanzania which eventually contribute towards a democratic and just society.” The evaluation concludes that the UTPC does have the potential to contribute to a democratic development in Tanzania as described in the vision and mission statements. It is the only member based media organisation with a national coverage." (Back cover)
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"In this study I set out to investigate whether non-profit journalism models, particularly URN, provide an effective bulwark against the challenges associated with market-driven journalism in Uganda's hostile socio-economic and political landscape. The study further sought to establish whether URN c
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an be considered a viable and sustainable journalism model that can be replicated. The unfolding collapse of traditional media models has given rise to outside-the-box innovations as the industry bids to not only survive but also safeguard journalism, and this has partly inspired the proliferation of non-profit outfits. While the US leads the way, non-profit organisations are becoming popular across the world.
Uganda's URN, founded in 2005, is credited for providing affordable and quality news to 85 radio stations and a couple of newspapers. The news agency is also recognised for raising the standard of journalism with its independence from advertising pressure and motivated journalists, as well as functioning as a de facto public broadcaster. URN's non-profit status has enabled it to stand out from the Ugandan media scene described in Chapter One where market-driven journalism impinges on the quality of media content. However, over-dependence on a single external funder, DGF, has exposed the model as fragile and unsustainable. With the current grant due to lapse in 2017, albeit the possibility of renewal, and URN unsure of what to do next, the model's precariousness has been laid bare. Nevertheless URN’s sustainability should be understood within its proper context. To its funders the news agency is not a journalism model but rather part of a media development programme seeking to promote good governance and accountability in Uganda. It is therefore difficult to replicate." (Conclusion, page 26)
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