"It is clear that corruption is considered an important issue by South Africans. It is frequently cited as a critical issue facing the country, and many people believe that there are high levels of corruption in various parts of government. At the same time however, the incidence of bribery appears
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to be relatively low when compared to the perceived corruption figures. This may be because people are reluctant to admit to paying bribes and therefore the incidence of bribery may be under-reported. In addition, people may think of nepotism, procurement fraud, and other misuse of state resources when asked about corruption, rather than considering only petty bribery. This is a second potential explanation for the differences between perceptions and reality appearing from the survey results. Finally, in the fight against corruption, opinions on the performance of government appear to have remained fairly constant over the past ten years, whereas the role of the media is considered more important now than it was a few years ago." (Conclusion, page 7)
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"This article is an examination of the four major schools of thought on climate change and how two newspapers in Uganda are covering those divergent views. The article argues that in the coverage of global warming in particular the hitherto treasured notion of objectivity has been replaced by a form
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of blind journalism instigated by frames from local and international stakeholders. The study analyses content from two newspapers in Uganda to show that media in Uganda cover the resonating frame, which argues that climate change is a time bomb, with total disregard for other views or their existence. Guided by the framing theory, the article suggests that a detachment of climate change from international meanings and an introduction of the ‘scientific spirit’ will restore balance by inviting media to explore counter-frames." (Abstract)
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"This briefing examines how current media trends are affecting state and societal fragility, both positively and negatively, and argues that the role of a free and plural media should be prioritised rather than marginalised in fragile states policy. The paper provides case studies on the role and im
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pact of the media in Afghanistan, Iraq, Kenya and Somalia, examines some of the main academic and policy debates that have characterised discussion around media and fragile states, and also considers the role of public service broadcasting in fragile states. According to the executive summary "support to the media in fragile states designed to minimise the risk of division and maximise the opportunities for dialogue should feature more prominently in assistance to such states." (CAMECO Update November 2013)
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"Libraries, telecenters, and cybercafés play a critical role in extending the benefits of information and communication technologies (ICTs) to a diverse range of people worldwide. However, their ability to contribute to development agendas has come into question in recent times. The Global Impact S
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tudy was designed to address this debate by generating evidence about the scale, character, and impacts of public access ICTs in eight countries: Bangladesh, Botswana, Brazil, Chile, Ghana, Lithuania, the Philippines, and South Africa. This report summarizes the study’s key findings, situating public access in the context of national development, discussing some disputed issues, and providing recommendations for policymakers, public access practitioners and researchers. The results show that a central impact of public access is the promotion of digital inclusion through technology access, information access, and development of ICT skills. Both users and non-users report positive impacts in various social and economic areas of their lives." (Abstract)
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"Strategic Considerations for a Mali Communications Strategy: Don't forget the importance of local language to reach broad cross-section of the population. Broadcast media remain paramount; on a national radio is likely to be the key medium. Digital is still mostly a niche phenomenon." (Slide 39)
"S
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trategic Considerations for Communicating With Somalis: Role of foreign media remains extremely important. Radio is still the most widely used news medium, across all regions. Heavy access to and usage of alternative platforms opens up additional opportunities. Any communications strategy must include digital and mobile, with potentially greater short-term payoff than elsewhere in Africa." (Slide 54)
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"The aim of this book is to explore digital media and intercultural interaction at an arts college in Tanzania through innovative forms of ethnographic representation. The book and the series website weave together visual and aural narratives, interviews and observations, life stories and video docu
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mentaries, art performances and productions. It paints a vivid portrayal of everyday life in East Africa's only institute for practical art training, while tracing the rich cultural history of a state that has mixed tribalism, nationalism, Pan-Africanism, and cosmopolitanism in astonishingly creative ways. While following the anthropological tradition of thick description, Digital Drama employs a more artistic and accessible style of writing. Dramatic, ethnographic details are interspersed with theoretical reflections and postulations to explain and make sense of the unfolding narratives. The accompanying Web site visualizes and sensualizes the stories narrated in the book, unfolding a dramatic world of African dance, music, theater, and digital culture." (Back cover)
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"This paper concludes that in Africa the non-Western press may have the best chance to employ peace journalism, given its proximity to major conflicts. Nevertheless, the Kenyan press has so far failed to take advantage of an ideal opportunity for such an experiment in reporting on the war against te
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rror. Kenya's press still operates within the war journalism framework. This paper employs a theoretical approach that combines theories of media representation in mainstream journalism with the concepts of peace journalism. Methodologically, it adopts a triangulating approach, employing both quantitative and qualitative content analysis to study the representations of Operation Linda Nchi by the Kenyan Daily Nation and The Standard and thereby offers a critical appraisal of the possibility for peace journalism to cover international terrorism in Africa." (Abstract)
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"During the 60s, Theatre for Development was introduced into several states in Africa. The focus at that time was to utilize theatre as a tool of communication in development projects. During the 80s Tanzania developed their own variant of this genre through the initiative of the University of Dar e
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s Salaam’s Department of Fine and Performing Arts offering lectures on Theatre for Development. They wanted to develop a supportive theatre and theatrical methods to improve the conditions in their communities. Self-determination and participation for the townspeople in the local conflict resolution process was the department’s keywords. The basic idea was that Theatre for Development should be based on the local and popular theatre traditions. Through popular theatre, the whole population could be gathered whether they be young or old, women, men or disadvantaged. By means of storytelling, dance, drama, music, and songs people were encouraged to express themselves about problems in society. This included both mainstream and marginalized groups that did not usually take part in verbal discussions and express their opinions. The intention was to form a theatre genre that would gather the whole population to contribute to social change and improved living conditions. This introductory paper will focus upon the different methods used in Tanzanian Theatre for Development and will discuss Theatre for Development’s use as a vehicle for social change and increasing awareness about Tanzanian traditions and identity." (Abstract)
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"The Gama Cuulu radio serial drama is written and produced in Zambia's Southern Province. It promotes behavior change and service use to prevent HIV transmission. The authors evaluated the effects of Gama Cuulu on intermediate outcomes (e.g., perceived norms), as well as number of sexual partners, c
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ondom use, and HIV testing in the past year among adults between 18 and 49 years of age. The authors used a pretest/posttest assessment with a comparison group design, with Southern Province as the intervention area and Western Province as the comparison area. Approximately 1,500 in-person interviews were conducted in both provinces in 2006 (pretest), 2007, and 2008. Regression models included terms for province, time, and the interaction of the two. Outcomes improved in both provinces (e.g., by 2008, 37.6% of participants in Southern Province and 28.3% participants in Western Province tested for HIV in the past year). Pretest-to-posttest changes in condom use (from 20.2% to 29.4% in Southern Province) and 5 intermediate outcomes were significantly different in the 2 provinces. However, changes in condom use were not associated with listening to Gama Cuulu and changes in other outcomes were similar in both provinces. Weak intervention effects might be attributable to implementation challenges or the saturation of HIV programs in Zambia." (Abstract)
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"The history of Uganda from the days of Colonial Rule, when modern mass media was introduced was revisited. The thesis of this study was that the substance of the political governance model inherited from Uganda’s colonial past continues in the postindependence period to define the relationship be
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tween the media and government on the one hand, and within media industry itself. This governance model was grounded in power monopoly, power domination, and power preservation, with the ensuing characteristics of exclusiveness, privilege and intolerance of opposition, difference and diversity. State power was not informed by the discourse of good governance nor did it cater for a democratic environment. Legislative, administrative and strong-arm measures were all strategies of power and control that the colonial government deployed to manage a media deemed non-compliant, and thereby maintain and protect the supremacy of its rule. By the same token, the anti-media freedom measures were also an implicit recognition of the power of the press, understood as a subversive threat." (Conclusion, page 90-91)
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"This volume seeks to impart a deeper understanding of the political nature of the Sudanese press. Through observation, research and analysis, it also conveys a multifaceted impression of Sudanese journalists’ working conditions. It tries to paint an authentic and differentiated picture of their s
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ituation, looking beyond stereotypes of the Sudanese press as “unfree” and hence not worthy of further research. By combining facts and figures with journalists’ personal anecdotes and opinions, I think this volume captures the complexity of the subject." (Introduction, page 5)
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"The notion that Zimbabwe is a radio-only market is outdated. With the strong growth in TV and New Media in urban areas, a multi-platform approach is needed to reach different demographics." (Conclusions, page 33)
"Zimbabwean journalists and civil society activists in the diaspora have employed humour not merely to mock or ridicule but to conscientize people, and to raise attention for and awareness of the situation in Zimbabwe, including the social, economic and political realities and everyday life concerns
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and hardships experienced by ordinary people in the country. This article explores how diasporic Zimbabweans have made use of the freedoms in their current locations and of new media and other means to express their dissatisfaction with the Zimbabwean government and the state of affairs in their home country through satire and related forms of political humour. This article focuses particularly on the dissemination of cartoons and satirical messages from liberal host countries through the Internet. It is argued that political humour in the Zimbabwean diaspora has a counter-discursive function and serves as a ‘medium of communicating dissent’." (Abstract)
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"The Horn of Africa is one of the least connected regions in the world. Nevertheless, digital media play an important social and political role in Eritrea, Ethiopia, and Somalia (including South-Central Somalia and the northern self-declared independent Republic of Somaliland). This paper shows how
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the development of the internet, mobile phones and other new communication technologies have been shaped by conflict and power struggles in these countries. It addresses some of the puzzles that characterize the media in the region: for example, how similar rates of penetration of media such as the internet and mobile phones have emerged in Somalia, a state which has not had a functioning government for two decades, and in Ethiopia, one of the countries with the most pervasive and centralized political apparatus in Africa. The paper also gives particular attention to the role played by diasporas, which have been highly infl uential in starting the first websites, blogs and forums covering the politics of the Horn and facilitating debates among Eritreans, Ethiopians and Somalis living at home or abroad." (Page 2)
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