"Journalism programmes across the African continent have different attitudes to the issue of universal vs. local values in journalism. This article discusses the issue in light of a post-graduate journalism programme that opened at Addis Ababa University in 2004. In its 5-year implementation phase,
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the programme engaged educators from Europe and North America in addition to local instructors. Thus, one could expect a potential conflict between Western and Ethiopian approaches to journalism. However, on the basis of experiences with the Addis Ababa programme, the present study questions the assumed dichotomy between Western and Ethiopian (or African) journalism discourses. Tensions did indeed come to the fore when the programme was planned and implemented, but they were defined by determinants such as professional background and personal preferences of the instructors involved rather than by geographical and cultural origin." (Abstract)
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"This report is the evaluation of the project “Strengthening Somali media capacity for democracy and human rights” implemented by the National Union of Somali Journalists (NUSOJ), from September 2008 to August 2010. The project budget was US$180,000. The project aimed at strengthening the capaci
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ty of the Somali media to “implement the principles and practices of democracy and respect for human rights”, by providing professional training to Somali journalists across the country, focusing on ethics and good journalistic practices, and holding workshops on good governance and human rights." (Abstract)
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"Journalism training can make an important contribution to the quality of journalism and the ability of journalism to fulfill its basic missions. This study focused on the impact on business and economics reporting, an area where few journalists have adequate training, and where on-the-job training
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is unlikely to suffice. But even in this technical area, journalism training can have general benefits. It can enhance a sense of professionalism, and at least an awareness of professional ethics. It can expose reporters to ideas, concepts, and people that they otherwise would not have access to. Such contacts can be particularly important in ensuring adequate coverage of complex topics. It can help them build contacts more broadly in the journalism community and promote networking which could lead to doing stories together. If properly reinforced by editors and colleagues upon returning to their publication/media outlet it can lead to more sophisticated coverage which touches on subjects they might not have written on before. But such training will have only a piecemeal effect. Most of the problems facing African journalism cannot be addressed by journalism training alone. Journalists may know that they should not receive money from sources, but with limited pay, they may see no alternative. The quality of journalism rests, of course, on the quality of the labor force that they have access to, and that means there needs to be more investment in secondary education. But more than an educated and trained labor force is required: for African media to improve rapidly, more funding—entailing new business models—and a better legal climate are necessary." (Conclusion, page 108-109)
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"This Media Toolkit for Local Governance in Lesotho is designed to encourage media coverage of news and events in Lesotho’s rural areas at local government level. According to the publication, to improve such media coverage there is a need to focus both on the providers and the collectors of news.
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The first part of the toolkit focuses on journalists covering local governance-related news items. It is intended as a workbook for journalists at community and district levels throughout the country so that media coverage enhances people’s understanding of the local government system. The second part is intended for local government officials and non-governmental organsiations, assisting them to make more effective use of the media to achieve their objectives." (www.comminit.com, June 15, 2012)
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"The study found that, in their struggle to generate the income for day-to-day running costs, stations become detached from their communities, and end up competing - usually unsuccessfully - with better-resourced commercial broadcasters. The solution, the study suggests, is to invest in strengthenin
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g community participation, rather than diluting this vital ingredient in a bid to save money, as has tended to be the case, particularly when donor funding dries up." (fesmedia website)
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"This article analyses the uses of the ‘community’ and ‘peace media’ labels in northern Uganda. It tries to assess their effect on power configurations and on the practices and the representations of media workers. In order to do so, it analyses how non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have
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penetrated the local media and have modified the rules of the game, in terms of access to resources and protection from repression, but also in terms of the definition of professionalism. It shows how a local radio station, Mega FM, has managed to negotiate its dependence on the state and on international NGOs, including how it has succeeded in dominating the local media market, by embracing these media models. Finally, all these dynamics are illustrated and nourished by a shift in the professional values: the media workers now value the ‘responsibility’ of the media understood as a support to the peace process." (Abstract)
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"This report offers an overview of results of an assessment that sought to investigate the audience impact of Internews’ network of five FM radio stations in southern Sudan and two transitional areas that were established to provide their communities with critical information about the peace agree
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ment, the referendum and the resettlement of returning refugees. The five stations are the first community radio stations to be established in these remote parts of Sudan. The results show communities identify strongly with their local station and listen in preference to any other available radio service. This is because they believe the information they will receive is credible, accurate and relevant to their specific community, in their local language. A high percentage of listeners also attribute their knowledge about political processes including the CPA, referendum, popular consultation and elections directly to their local FM station." (Abstract)
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"Unlike most nations in southern Africa, Zimbabwe has not seen the expansion in community radio stations that has been characteristic of the region from the 1990s. A number of community radio initiatives (CRIs) were formed after the 2001 Zimbabwean Broadcasting Services Act (BSA), but no licences we
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re ever issued in any broadcasting sector. This article argues that CRIs reflected the wider political crises of the years since 2000. Even after the Global Political Agreement of 15 September 2008, no community radio station has been licensed. Taking two case studies of such initiatives – Community Radio Harare and Radio Dialogue of Bulawayo – the article investigates how they have survived the Zimbabwean political crisis. It examines the way they lobbied for the right to broadcast and how they produced and distributed programming, and utilized so-called 'roadshows' in an environment where alternative radio stations are viewed with suspicion by ZANU PF." (Abstract)
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"The Department of Communications (“DoC”) Community Radio Support Programme (“CRSP”) was initiated in 1998 and includes a range of categories of support: Infrastructure rollout to provide technical equipment to stations; Signal distribution and upgrade; Programme production support on specif
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ic areas capacity building and training; and Satellite network infrastructure support. The CRSP project has played an important role in assisting in the growth and sustainability of the community radio sector since its inception. It has helped stations to get on air by installing studios in stations and increased their sustainability through subsidising signal distribution costs, giving support for programming and providing training (both workshops organised by the DoC and through support for the National Electronic Media Institute of South Africa (“Nemisa”). The CRSP was launched before the establishment of other public entities focused on supporting the sector such as the Universal Service and Access Agency of South Africa (“USAASA”), and the Media Development and Diversity Agency (“MDDA”), and therefore filled an important gap in assisting communities to exercise their rights to own their own media." (Executive summary, page 7)
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"This article focuses on a comparative analysis of community radio realities in two Lusophone African countries: Guinea-Bissau and Mozambique, whose local ield research refers to 2003, 2004, 2007 and 2009, respectively. It focuses on the tense relationship between political power and community radio
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s through theoretical reviewing of two emerging concepts: “Communication for Development” and “Glocalization”. A comprehensive ground-breaking study, it aims at determining what role these media can play so as to build challenging and participative citizenship. It exposes the dangers threatening the sustainability of these tools of empowerment, on being deprived of viable institutional frameworks. The main objective is to identify similarities and differences, to discuss resulting issues and to investigate the feasibility of unifying criteria, formats and deinitions." (Abstract)
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"In Kibera, the biggest slum area in Nairobi and in whole East Africa, the urban slum community radio station Pamoja FM only works for the citizens living within Kibera. We aimed to find out how the youth in Kibera perceive the efficacy of the radio station as a viable source of news and information
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. We wanted to establish how important this radio station is to them as a tool of empowerment and knowledge to the youth. Through semi-structured interviews with the youth in Kibera we carried out a qualitative research study during ten weeks, from October until December in 2011. We walked the field in Kibera to gather as much data as possible, and our findings were very interesting. Key theories used in this study included the participatory communication model, the media dependency model and the uses and gratifications model. The findings indicated that Pamoja FM has a great influence in the community as it is considered the most important source for news and information for the youth in this slum, and provides a platform that meets their needs as active participating audiences to the content supplied by the radio station. The radio is accredited to have changed the citizens´ way of thinking about tribalism since the post-election violence in 2007; the young women have assertively declared their space by playing a more proactive role in the community and audiences are empowered with home-grown problem solving skills that have bettered their lives and in pursuit for peace." (Abstract)
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"This study investigates the role of the diaspora online media as stakeholders in the transnational Ethiopian media landscape. Through content analysis of selected websites and interviews with editors, the research discusses how the sites relate to recognized journalistic ideals and how the editors
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view themselves in regard to journalistic professionalism. It is argued that the journalistic ideals of the diaspora media must be understood towards the particular political conditions in homeland Ethiopia. Highly politicized, the diaspora websites display a marked critical attitude towards the Ethiopian government through an activist journalism approach. The editors differ slightly among themselves in the perception of whether activist journalism is in conflict with ideal-type professional norms, but they justify the practice either because of the less than ideal conditions back home or because they maintain that the combination of activism and professionalism is a forward-looking journalism ideology. The online initiatives of the Ethiopian diaspora are found to prolong media contestations in the homeland as well as reinforcing an ideal-type professional journalism paradigm." (Abstract)
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"Relying heavily on scores of first-hand accounts collected through interviews, the studies examine the practice of public diplomacy largely from the perspective of American practitioners in different countries. The analyses follow the standard field officer approach, asking systematically: what iss
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ues in local public opinion should we be addressing; who should we engage; how can we best engage them; and how well are the programs working? This is an ongoing process at every field post, involving local staff and constant attention to contacts. The studies in this book focus on field operations during one period of time, broadly from the end of the Bush administration to the early Obama administration, so comparisons can be made between them to determine which practices are common and which are unique [...] The first chapters in this book offer analyses of public diplomacy operations in specific countries in Europe, Africa, Southwest Asia, and Asia. Four other chapters focus directly on the specific question being asked by practitioners and scholars today: What is the role of the new media in public diplomacy? Two chapters present findings that advance our understanding of the role of the private sector, and the parallel roles of the State Department and the Peace Corps. The final chapter summarizes best practices from recent field experiences." (Preface, page x)
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