"A growing empirical scholarship examines the rise of Chinese digital nationalism. This scholarship remains scattered across disciplinary and area studies journals, making it difficult to systematize findings and identify knowledge gaps. We review N = 71 peerreviewed articles and book chapters (1990
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–2021) to map the empirical findings on the (re)production and circulation of official and everyday Chinese nationalist discourses. We note the dominance of single-case textual analyses of online data, the underdeveloped theoretical frameworks, and the unclear research designs across this scholarship. In China, the online (re)production of official nationalism remains driven by the Party state, with netizens’ everyday forms of nationalism generally reinforcing or being co-opted by official nationalism. We call for a fuller picture of the ecosystem of state-driven digital nationalism and its influence as well as more attention to the challenges to official nationalism online mounted by everyday nationalism." (Abstract)
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"The TikTok self-deprecating (SD) cyberculture is built on the exchange of SD memes among users who deprecate aspects of themselves on a daily basis. Predominantly composed of young people, SD memes on Indonesian TikTok reflect discourses on the daily struggles faced by young Indonesians. To explore
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and categorize the discourses, our research conducted a 6-month virtual ethnography, analyzing 786 videos observed through a conditioned TikTok’s For You Page. This study disclosed persistent discourses in the lives of young Indonesians. The article further discusses the aspects that support TikTok’s SD cyberculture in revealing private struggles that young people might hesitate to share with whom they have daily interactions." (Abstract)
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"Korean popular culture has taken the world by storm with the recent rise of Korean entertainment globally, such as Squid Game on Netflix and the Oscar Award-winning Parasite. Fans of Korean popular culture have formed coalitions in Asia, North and SouthAmerica, and other parts of the world. These c
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oalitions or fandom groups go beyond merely meeting up, exchanging paraphernalia, or posting photos of their pop idols on social media; their enthusiasm has thrived in the realm of social activism. This research examines K-pop fandom activities during Thailand’s 2020 Student Uprising, tracing the operationalization of fandom, the transfer of skills and affective fandom practices into political engagement, and the role of digital proficiency in their fan-driven, collective movement." (Abstract)
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"This study explores the construction of distributed trust under today’s networked environment. Focusing on diaspora micro-influencers’ COVID-19-related videos on Bilibili, this study aims to explore: How platform-specific features of Bilibili enhance the construction of distributed trust; the d
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ynamics among a diversity of sources on trust building; and the ways in which the content of uploaders’ videos and users’ comments contribute to the formation of distributed trust. The results show that user participation, particularly participatory surveillance enabled by platform-specific features, plays a key role in the construction of distributed trust. Although it has new characteristics, we can also see that the formation of distributed trust is not a replacement of the old model but only an outcome of its transformation and evolvement." (Abstract)
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"In the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic, there is a growing use of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) for the purposes of labor control and surveillance. This trend significantly affects the knowledge workers who are deeply connected with ICT. However, there is a lack of studies tackl
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ing the perceptions of knowledge workers regarding surveillance, its impact on their work practices, and how they push back against it. Based on Scott’s concept of hidden transcripts, this article studies the workplace surveillance faced by Chinese knowledge workers and their responses and reveals the complex interplay between workplace control, the meaning of work, and hidden transcripts. Based on the findings of 13 in-depth interviews and the analysis of the content of 3,205 Weibo posts, 4 themes are identified in the discussions about the work of Chinese knowledge workers, the influence of their perceived meaning of work on their interpretation of surveillance, and the specific strategies of their hidden transcripts. The paradoxical role of ICT is demonstrated in labor rights as sites of surveillance and countersurveillance, especially digital platforms. Furthermore, a more comprehensive internal view of the survival dynamics among knowledge workers is provided." (Abstract)
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"This article examines the portrayal of Mao Zedong in Chinese literacy textbooks published within the context of the Patriotic Education Campaign during the 1980s and 1990s. Employing critical discourse analysis, this study reveals that Mao is depicted as an authoritative, charismatic, and industrio
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us political leader who maintains a frugal lifestyle and close ties with the people. The textbooks primarily highlight his role during the Chinese revolutions and the early years of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), while avoiding discussion of his later political conflicts and flawed economic policies. This deliberate approach allows the Chinese Communist Party to construct a favorable image of Mao, aimed at preserving Maoism’s legitimacy among younger generations of Chinese who may not be well-acquainted with the Chinese revolutions. Consequently, the collective memories cultivated about Mao through the education system serve as a form of proregime propaganda, illustrating the intricate and symbiotic relationship between education and propaganda in the PRC." (Abstract)
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"Die Sowjetdiktatur war von Staatsverbrechen kaum vorstellbaren Ausmaßes geprägt. Insbesondere gilt dies für die Periode von der Oktoberrevolution 1917 bis zum Tod Josef Stalins 1953: Sie umfasst den Bürgerkrieg, die sogenannten Säuberungen, das Gulag-System und zahlreiche weitere Akte massiver
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staatlicher Gewalt und Willkür. Auf welche Weise wurde der Verbrechen in der Sowjetunion und im postsowjetischen Russland gedacht? Der Philologe und Kulturwissenschaftler Nikolai Epplée zeichnet den Umgang mit diesen Staatsverbrechen von 1953 bis 2019 nach. Er legt dar, dass sich in Russland nie eine kritische Erinnerung an die Verbrechen etablieren konnte, welche die Verantwortlichkeiten aufarbeitet und daraus Konsequenzen für die Zukunft zieht. Zwar gründeten sich zahlreiche zivilgesellschaftliche Initiativen, die sich für neue Formen des Gedenkens einsetzten und diese erprobten. In den vergangenen Jahren unter der Herrschaft Wladimir Putins seien diese jedoch zunehmender Repression bis hin zum Verbot ausgesetzt worden. Gleichzeitig erfuhr der Diktator Stalin eine Rehabilitierung in Namen einer heroisch ausgerichteten, für politische Zwecke instrumentalisierten Nationalgeschichtsschreibung. Der Autor zeigt auf, wie in anderen Ländern - in Argentinien, Spanien, Südafrika, Polen, Deutschland und Japan - Staatsverbrechen in der eigenen Vergangenheit aufgearbeitet wurden. Er versucht daraus Schlüsse für einen Umgang mit der verbrecherischen Vergangenheit in Russland zu ziehen, der auch Konsequenzen für die Gegenwart und Zukunft der russischen Gesellschaft hätte." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Cumulatively, this research points to the need for increasing efforts to ensure knowledge gaps around the submarine cable are addressed, and that definitions and analyses of topics such as mis- and disinformation, and digital literacy, are developed, shared, and adopted in ways that respond to Timo
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rese concerns and experiences. This would require supporting Timorese-led and owned approaches and solutions to theknowledge gaps, defined through collaboration and consultation with key actors andstakeholders, taking account of the time and resource pressures within which they alreadyoperate. Timorese media leaders and government should be recognised as key stakeholders indigital connectivity research and programmatic initiatives." (Key recommendations)
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"The Policy Brief covers pathways for reform of government regulation or public policy with respect to areas applicable to platform workers. These include: a) Laws and statutes enacted by the legislative branch or Congress; and b) Administrative issuances made by the executive branch [...] Further,
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it must be noted that judicial decisions promulgated by the Supreme Court also form part of the Philippine legal system. Indeed, numerous judicial decisions clarify rights pertaining to labour. Foremost in these decisions are the elements in determining the existence of employment relationship, more commonly known today as the four-fold test, which was first enunciated in the Supreme Court decision of Viaña v. Al-Lagadan in 1956. For the purposes of this Policy Brief, these doctrines will be considered as governing law or of what constitutes the present policy and legal landscape from which gaps may be identified. However, possible changes in the doctrines promulgated by the Supreme Court are excluded from the coverage for being judicial, and not political in nature. Thus, the Policy Brief includes proposals that can be adopted either through a legislative act or an executive or administrative issuance, taking into consideration the nuances of the breadth of legislative processes and the limits of executive rulemaking as merely directed to an existing law’s implementation." (Executive summary, page 6)
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"Journalists are allegedly suffering exploitation and abuse at exiled news outlets, but there’s debate over whether the responsibility to respond falls on donors or a media industry that is taking gradual steps to self-regulate." (Introduction)
"Responding to mounting calls to decenter and decolonize journalism, The Routledge Companion to Journalism in the Global South examines not only the deep-seated challenges associated with the historical imposition of Western journalism standards on constituencies of the Global South but also the opp
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ortunities presented to journalists and journalism educators if they choose to partake in international collaboration and education.
This collection returns to fundamental questions around the meaning, value, and practices of journalism from alternative methodological, theoretical, and epistemological perspectives. These questions include: What really is journalism? Who gets to, and who is qualified to, define it? What role do ethics play? What are the current trends, challenges, and opportunities for journalism in the Global South? How is news covered, reported, written, and edited in non-Western settings? What can journalism players living and working in industrialized markets learn from their non-Western colleagues and counterparts, and vice versa? Contributors challenge accepted “universal” ethical standards while showing the relevance of customs, traditions, and cultures in defining and shaping local and regional journalism." (Publisher description)
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"This paper examines the current state of legal protections for journalists in China, focusing on the challenges they face and proposing comprehensive recommendations to enhance press freedom. It analyzes the historical evolution of these protections, the existing legal framework, and compares them
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with international standards. Through case studies and statistical data, the paper highlights the systemic issues contributing to legal failures and harassment faced by journalists. The study concludes with actionable recommendations to reform legal frameworks, strengthen judicial independence, establish independent regulatory bodies, improve access to information, protect digital rights, and support journalist safety. By implementing these measures, China can foster a more open and free media environment, contributing to the country’s development and democratic processes." (Abstract)
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"More than three years after the coup, a significant majority of the 40 senior media executives interviewed for this report say they are still dependent, partially or fully, on grants to run their operations. While they cannot control the external factors impacting on their work, be that the conflic
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t or the unpredictability of digital platform policies, they recognise that if they want to survive and attract funding and revenue, they need to build strong, professional operations and to prove their resilience. That includes doing independent, ethical journalism, developing strong financial management and inclusive HR policies, engaging with their audiences, experimenting with diverse revenue streams, planning for the future, and preparing for the unexpected." (Looking ahead)
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"This research examines whether and to what extent journalists are harassed online and the effects of online harassment on their professional roles. The study classifies online harassment against journalists into five types: insults, threats, privacy intrusion, sexual assault, and cyber-hacking. The
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findings reveal a positive correlation between online harassment and various adverse outcomes for journalists, including increased self-censorship, reduced public engagement, and heightened skepticism toward journalism. With regard to a specific type of online harassment, journalists’ gender plays a role as a moderator: The relationship between insults and self-censorship, disengagement with the public, and skepticism toward journalism was found to be stronger for women journalists than men journalists." (Abstract)
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"Laure-Hélène Piron (The Policy Practice Director) undertook an analysis of official development assistance to media and the information environment for the Governance Network of the OECD Development Assistance Committee which was published in June 2024. The report shows that the rhetoric of gover
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nments which support freedom of expression and condemn disinformation is not matched by sufficient resources. ODA for media and the information environment has increased since 2002, reaching USD 1.5 billion in 2022, but this only represented 0.5% of total ODA in that year. When infrastructure support is excluded, ODA for media fluctuated around USD 500 million a year since 2008 (representing 0.19% of total ODA in 2022). This is despite the growth of threats facing media, such as the rise of censorship and the dominance of technology platforms.
And not enough aid directly reaches local organisations. Only up to 8% of ODA for media and the information environment (representing only 0.05% of total ODA) is directly channelled to media organisations in partner countries, such as journalists, media outlets or civil society organisations working with media or on access to information. To improve the quality and quantity of ODA for media and the information environment, the report recommends: increasing direct assistance for local public interest media; adopting a broader “information environment” lens; improving coordination between (i) digital transformation and ICT infrastructure and (ii) media and information policies and programmes; improving co-ordination and coherence between development partners (including global initiatives); strengthening the evidence base." (https://thepolicypractice.com)
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"At the intersection of China’s growing global presence and growing digital power lies its digital expansion in the low- and middle-income countries of the Global South. Worth billions of US$ annually in trade and investment, and having a significant impact on these countries’social and economic
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development, this phenomenon has been relatively ignored by researchers to date. However, it has nonetheless now been sufficiently studied to warrant a systematic literature review, the results of which are reported in this article. The article has two aims: to identify what is already known about China’s digital expansion in the Global South and, from this, to outline a future research agenda. After characterizing the features, research design, and perspectives within current literature, the article overviews China’s digital expansion. It outlines this expansion’s synergies, tensions, strategies, design and implementation approaches, and evidence about development impact on Global South countries. The article explores two domain-specific issues arising in the literature: whether China is exporting “digital authoritarianism,” and the implications of China’s growing digital presence for digital governance at both global and national levels. The article ends by laying out a six-part research agenda for future investigation of China’s digital expansion in the Global South: more Southern voices, updating the scope of research, moving beyond the “Team China” monolith, steering between Chinese exceptionalism and identicalism, evaluating development impact, and local agency in a “digital Cold War.” "(Abstract)
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"Since the 2000s, China has deepened public relations in its engagement with Africa primarily through economic investment and assistance. The present work looks at China’s African public relations and the mechanism that shapes public perception of China, focusing on Mali. Mali is not a major desti
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nation for Chinese investment, yet public perceptions of China appear to be uniquely positive. How may we explain this trajectory? The work undertakes a longitudinal examination, comparing China’s economic developments in Mali (2010–20) with Malians’ perception of China’s influence on the Malian economy that shapes the general perception and attitude towards China (2010–20) and the media’s role in this process. Some questions guide this study: how do Chinese economic activities in Mali shape Malians’ perception of China? How does the media contribute (if any) to shaping Malian perception of China’s developmental programmes? Employing a mixed research method and a range of datasets, I find that economic investment does not necessarily shape positive public perception of China in Mali. Instead, how the public receives information about economic investments shapes and enhances a positive perception of China in Mali. Consequently, China would substantially enhance its image-building effort when its foreign economic development assistance is linked with public relations, making economic programmes more visible through media representations. I based the theoretical discussion on the media agenda-setting framework." (Abstract)
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