"How do Chinese journalists cover climate-Change stories – and what opportunities for international cooperation in the field of climate change reporting exist for funders, NGOs and governments? These are the two related questions that this report attempts to address. The report – produced jointl
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y by chinadialogue, Caixin media and International Media Support (IMS) – is based on research carried out in June 2010. The author distributed questionnaires and conducted indepth, semi-structured interviews of participants at a climate-Change fellowship for 10 journalists and editors from around China, organised by Caixin media and IMS." (Introduction, page 8)
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"The paper looks at how journalists and press councils in two very different media systems in the same region – Indonesia and Malaysia – have addressed the question of journalism ethics in the face of a changing media environment. The Indonesian Press Council, set up within the move to democracy
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in Indonesia, which – although a statutory council – works independently of government has recently been dealing with complaints from the public as well as criticisms from politicians about ethics on the Internet. Some internet coverage is being perceived as harmful and journalists and the press council find themselves having to strike a balance between concerns expressed and issues of free expression. In Malaysia, several internet-only based news-sites have been at the forefront of pushing restrictions on press freedom in the country. At the same time, there is concern expressed about excesses on the Internet. The paper compares these two on-going developments. It includes interviews with journalists from both countries. It will draw conclusions on what type of self-regulatory structure is best placed to deal with new media ethics in new or emerging democracies in South-East Asia while also addressing problems of transferring structures from one media systems to another." (Abstract)
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"Cyrus Farivar explores the Internet's history and effects in four distinct and, to some, surprising societies—Iran, Estonia, South Korea, and Senegal. He profiles Web pioneers in these countries and, at the same time, surveys the environments in which they each work [...] Skype was invented in Es
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tonia—the same country that developed a digital ID system and e-voting; Iran was the first country in the world to arrest a blogger, in 2003; South Korea is the most wired country on the planet, with faster and less expensive broadband than anywhere in the United States; Senegal may be one of sub-Saharan Africa's best chances for greater Internet access." (Back cover)
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"Vietnam gilt als der letzte Krieg, aus dem frei und unbehindert berichtet werden konnte, und in dem sich Journalisten und Militärs gleichberechtigt gegenüber standen. Diese Sicht wurde zwar von der Forschung weitgehend widerlegt, zumeist jedoch bezogen auf die Spätphase des Krieges sowie speziel
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l auf das Medium Fernsehen. Dessen ungeachtet genießen die Reporter der »Vietnam-Generation« weiterhin hohes Ansehen. Die Vorstellung, sie hätten den Grundstein für einen beispiellosen Triumph des Journalismus gelegt, fußt wesentlich auf generationellen Selbstzuschreibungen der Berichterstatter: »It started in Vietnam and ended in Watergate«, sagte David Halberstam, und sah sich und seine Kollegen als »front men for a whole generation«. Der Vietnam-Mythos von einer kritischen und einflussreichen Berichterstattung ist bis heute - scheinbar losgelöst von wissenschaftlichen Forschungen - sowohl in das Rollenverständnis von Journalisten wie in jenes von Politikern und Militärs eingeschrieben. Während Politiker und Militärs »Vietnam« instrumentalisieren, um Medien zu disziplinieren, ziehen Journalisten daraus ihr professionelles Selbstvertrauen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Eine Serie von Fallstudien – unter anderem zur Funktion von Blogs und Microblogs als „bottom- up journalism“ und zu Aktivitätsfeldern des chinesischen „hacktivism“ – verdeutlicht, welches Potenzial politischer Mobilisierung auch im chinesischen Kontext in der internetbasierten Kommunik
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ation liegt. Becker dokumentiert eine beachtliche Kreativität und Optionsvielfalt in der Umgehung staatlicher Zensurmaßnahmen. Die kommunikativen und technischen Aspekte des verbreiteten Ausweichverhaltens werden vom Autor systematisch aufgeschlüsselt. Die immer aufwändigeren Gegenmaßnahmen, die staatliche Sicherheitsorgane gegen politisch unliebsame Formen des Internet-Aktivismus ergreifen, bleiben in ihrer Effektivität begrenzt. Technische Ausweichmöglichkeiten und fortschreitende gesellschaftliche Liberalisierung werden eine staatliche Kontrolle des Internet auf Dauer unmöglich machen. Der politische Liberalisierungsdruck wird sich durch massenhafte Internetnutzung weiter verstärken – auch wenn dies nur mit Verzögerung zu Veränderungen im „analogen“ politischen System und keinesfalls zwangsläufig zu einer Demokratisierung nach westlichen Vorstellungen führen wird." (Sebastian Heilmann: Geleitwort, Seite 19)
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"Is there a dynamic correspondence between the unfolding of media narratives about conflict and how that conflict plays out on the ground? In particular, can this question be applied productively to the Maluku wars, an outbreak of religious violence at the end of Indonesia’s long developmentalist
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epoch (1966-1998)? This paper argues that far from being disinterested purveyors of unproblematic truths, media workers are implicated in the creation and spread of ideas and images that shape the political discourses which exacerbate violent conflict. Its method is discourse analysis of a canon of journalism that reported the conflict in its first few years. Despite their papers’ diverse origins, news reporters from both metropolitan dailies under study – Kompas and Republika – employed storytelling conventions that produced ‘primordialist’ readings of this violence. This textual strategy on top of an analytic failure to track shifting power relations between political elites in Jakarta and Maluku did nothing to assist a negotiated peace and may have contributed to the war’s significant escalation." (Abstract)
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"This article examines e gao (online spoofs) as a popular form of political expression which has recently emerged on the Chinese internet. I first introduce a cultural approach to internet-mediated political communication that emphasizes discursive integration and the mutual constitution of communic
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ative activity and subjectivity. I then discuss how these two dimensions are configured in the specific media ecology in China with regard to the emergence of e gao. I will analyse the political implications of e gao through a close reading of the two most influential cases. Granted that these online spoofs neither qualify as rational debates aiming to achieve consensus nor have produced any visible policy consequences, but they constitute a significant component of civic culture that offers both political criticism and emotional bonding for all participants." (Abstract)
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"In the case of contemporary Buddhism, we have seen how fundamentalism and democracy are connected to each other, and also how the public sphere, mediated by the new technology of the internet, has a role to play in these relations. We have seen how groups such as the 'Santi Asoke' are succeeding de
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spite the absence of any support from the political authorities, and how this has made the traditional Buddhist establishment feel insecure. According to Marty and Appleby, fundamentalism is understood as an attempt to divide 'us' from 'them' through shared traditions and beliefs. In the case of Thailand, this divisive attitude is a modern phenomenon arising from dissatisfaction with the contemporary economy and with globalisation, which appear threatening to the most conservative members of the Sangha. In this sense, it is ironic that the austere and anti-capitalist Sanrti Asoke is less fundamentalist than the traditional Buddhist establishment." (Conclusion, page 233-234)
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"This study examines the place of new media in the maintance of Burmese diasporic identities. Political oppression in Burma, the experience of exile and the importance of opposition movements in the borderlands make the Burmese diaspora a unique and complex group. This study uses tapoetethakot, an i
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ndigenous Karen research methodology, to explore aspects of new media use and identity among a group of Burmese refugees in Auckland, New Zealand. Common among all participants was a twin desire to share stories of suffering and to have that pain recognised. Participants in this project try to maintain their language and cultural practices, with the intent of returning to a democratic Burma in the future. New media supports this, by providing participants with access to opposition news reports of human rights abuses and suffering; through making cultural and linguistic artifacts accessible, and through providing an easy means of communication with friends and family in Burma and the borderlands." (Abstract)
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"The book provides a glimpse into how China has tried to tell its story to the world. The introduction chapter outlines the broader context for the examination of Chinese public diplomacy. It discusses some of the emerging themes concerning the spirit and practice of the country’s image-building e
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fforts. Chapter 2 provides an overview of the trends and developments in Chinese public diplomacy, and discusses how China’s authoritarian system has benefits as well as drawbacks for its soft power pursuits. In the next three chapters, we examine some of the major Chinese external propaganda and communication platforms, including Beijing Review, CCTV International (renamed CCTV News in April 2010), and government news conferences and spokespersons [...] Chapter 6 takes on a relatively new topic of the increasing role of Chinese corporations in the process of public diplomacy. It examines the complex interplay between corporate branding and nation branding in the example of a leading Chinese company’s corporate social responsibility engagement in Africa. The ensuing two chapters cover China’s image promotion related to the Beijing Olympics from two different vantage points. Chapter 7 discusses the promotion of the Olympics to the Chinese domestic public, who were expected to be model citizens helping to deliver a positive image of China during the Games. This can be viewed as a case of how “charm offensive” begins on the home front. Chapter 8 sheds light on the role of the ever more active Chinese diaspora in national image management through its mobilization in defense of China’s image during the international leg of the Olympic torch relay. To provide some historical context to the discussion of China’s contemporary endeavor, Chapter 9 examines how the conception of “international propaganda” was formulated and institutionalized in early twentieth century China. It highlights the role of Chinese intellectuals in promoting China’s international communication. Our last essay explores higher education as a site of image-construction. It ref lects on how American college students read and evaluate China based on their perspectives and news sources. It ends with an imaginary dialogue between a Chinese journalist and an American journalist on mutual misperceptions, and possibilities for change, providing an “enjoyable and hopeful” conclusion to the book." (Preface, pages ix-x)
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"Die Forderung nach Sicherheit im Internet, besonders in Hinblick auf die persönlichen Daten, die Gewährung der Freiheit dieses Mediums ohne staatliche Eingriffe, die Diskussion um adäquate Formen des Urheberrechts und seiner Durchsetzung sowie eine Fokussierung auf die Risiken verbunden mit eine
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m latenten Vorwurf eines unbedingten Reglementierungswillens des Staates sind Eckpunkte der deutschen netzpolitischen Debatte. Die Publikation soll mit Blick auf die netzpolitischen Entscheidungen in anderen Ländern einen Referenzrahmen bieten, der die Diskussion in Deutschland befruchten kann." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Im Rahmen seiner Darstellung der Aktivitäten der Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung in China beschreibt der Autor in einem Unterkapitel (Seite 180-193) die Medienzusammenarbeit der FES in China zwischen 1980 und 1990." (commbox)