"Entre todos los tipos de problemas a los que se enfrentaron los trabajadores de protección de la niñez y adolescencia, el 18% de sus casos totales indicaron alguna forma de abuso y explotación sexual de niñas, niños y adolescentes en línea. Esto significa que uno de cada cinco niñas, niños
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y adolescentes que recibía asistencia tenía este problema. Se debe tener en cuenta que se trata de una muestra de conveniencia, por consiguiente, las organizaciones que apoyan las problemáticas que se generan del abuso de niñas, niños y adolescentes, fueron seleccionadas para participar en la encuesta. No obstante, se tiene un fuerte indicio de la magnitud de la preocupación que tienen los trabajadores de primera línea [...] Se identificó que las niñas o adolescentes son sometidas más frecuentemente al abuso y la explotación sexual en línea, ya que alrededor del 54% de los trabajadores dijeron que las formas de abuso y explotación sexual de niñas, niños y adolescentes en línea surgían en “más de la mitad” de sus casos con niñas o mujeres jóvenes." (Principales hallazgos, página 9)
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"The Digital Ecosystem Country Assessment (DECA) Toolkit is a step-by-step guide designed to help USAID Missions conduct high-quality research that will directly inform Mission strategic and programmatic decisions for digital development interventions. The DECA is the flagship initiative of the USAI
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D Digital Strategy. It identifies opportunities and risks in a country’s digital ecosystem to help the development, design, and implementation of USAID’s strategies, projects, and activities. The DECA informs USAID Missions and other key decision-makers about how to better understand, work with, and support a country’s digital ecosystem. This Toolkit is designed to provide Mission staff with the tools and information needed to conduct this assessment." (About this Toolkit, page 5)
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"This series of articles produced by local journalists follows the Hungarian money invested in media abroad, and also offers an insight into the influence exercised by the Hungarian government." (Introduction)
"This Media Landscape Guide provides a snapshot of the current media in Ukraine, including the historical background to the media, media trends and freedoms, languages in the different media, media access and barriers for different groups in the community, audiences and their preferences. It conside
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rs why people use the different types of media and what content they consume. The guide looks at the impact of fake news and misinformation and the role of the media in addressing these. It also considers the role the media is playing in facilitating two-way communication in Ukraine. Finally, it gives an overview of each media sector, including digital and social media, radio, television, print and other traditional forms of mass communication." (Introduction)
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"[...] in recent years – particularly since the 2014 Ukraine conflict – Russia’s use of media to leverage broader influence campaigns has gained notoriety, both domestically and internationally. Russia’s state-owned media outlets are central to the Kremlin’s strategy and are drivers of its
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soft power in Africa. Services like Sputnik and RT (formerly Russia Today) find resonance among African editors. Building on anti-imperialist credentials and positioning itself as an alternative news source, state-owned media is able to provide a more balanced image of Russia in Africa, while combatting Western narratives. The Kremlin has successfully adapted to the digital age, broadening its operations to include online news sites in several languages. African news websites are, in turn, republishing content from Kremlin-sponsored media on a large scale. The narratives are amplified far beyond their original source, the main message being that Moscow is ready to engage with Africa on mutually beneficial terms. Influence-building using social media is another key aspect of Russia’s media strategy in Africa. It is used to sow doubt and build trust in alternative news sources. And, Russian networks are increasingly working with local actors in African countries to better disguise their activities. Interestingly, much of the content being shared on social media by Russian networks is not ‘fake news’, but in most cases is hyper-partisan and polarising." (Abstract)
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"The media situation in Belarus has never been easy. With Aliaksandr Lukashenka being elected president of the country for the first time in 1994, the necessary reforms to provide media freedom have never materialised. Instead, over the years various laws have lessened the rights of independent jour
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nalists and imposed limits on both traditional and electronic media. Following the August 2020 presidential election, which ignited a brutal crackdown against the democratic opposition, the situation has worsened. Harassment, a hijacking, and politically motivated jail terms, both short and long, intimidate Belarusians who want to exchange ideas, report wrongdoing or fight for freedom of expression and freedom for the country. In January 2022, the Belarusian Association of Journalists confirmed the presence of at least 32 journalists in Belarusian jails. On the positive side, new electronic media cannot be banned effectively and absolutely. While the regime slowly expands its presence on the internet, Belarusians trust independent media more and use it more eagerly. However, society’s distancing of itself from traditional state-controlled media is increasingly met with an angry reaction from the state apparatus, which in turn further tightens related laws. The European Union, and the European Parliament in particular, actively support independent media and civil society in Belarus, and the Council of the EU and the Parliament both address the challenges to media freedom in the country. Financial help is also provided to Belarus and was even increased at the end of 2021, with priority areas of support including ‘systematically repressed’ independent media." (Summary)
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"This briefing document provides an overview of key developments in digital authoritarianism in 11 countries and explains the theoretical framework and methodology behind The Unfreedom Monitor project. The document also provides a basis for expanding this research to other countries to deepen our un
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derstanding of digital authoritarianism globally, as well as its crucial implications for the future. The preliminary sample of 11 countries was chosen to reflect a range of factors: system of government, approach to human rights (including rankings in indexes), and corporate relations. The countries are: Brazil, Ecuador, Egypt, India, Morocco, Myanmar, Russia, Sudan, Tanzania, Turkey, and Zimbabwe." (Publisher description)
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"This report was commissioned to examine the situation of media capture in Bulgaria. It is part of a series of reports produced by the International Press Institute (IPI) looking into this phenomenon in Central Europe." (Page 4)
"This report presents four models of direct media subsidies in Europe: from Serbia, Croatia, Sweden and the European Union as well as an overview of reduced VAT rates for newspapers, digital publications and periodicals in EU countries and Serbia. In recent years, the value of direct state aid for m
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edia has been questioned, while indirect subsidies, such as tax exemptions, have been the model preferred by governments and welcomed by media owners. This is especially the case with reduced VAT rates, which have been introduced in all EU Member States and beyond." (Executive summary)
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"The Russian state-funded international broadcaster RT (formerly Russia Today) has attracted much attention as a purveyor of Russian propaganda. To date, most studies of RT have focused on its broadcast, website, and social media content, with little research on its audiences. Through a data-driven
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application of network science and other computational methods, we address this gap to provide insight into the demographics and interests of RT’s Twitter followers, as well as how they engage with RT. Building upon recent studies of Russian state-sponsored media, we report three main results. First, we find that most of RT’s Twitter followers only very rarely engage with its content and tend to be exposed to RT’s content alongside other mainstream news channels. This indicates that RT is not a central part of their online news media environment. Second, using probabilistic computational methods, we show that followers of RT are slightly more likely to be older and male than average Twitter users, and they are far more likely to be bots. Third, we identify thirty-five distinct audience segments, which vary in terms of their nationality, languages, and interests. This audience segmentation reveals the considerable heterogeneity of RT’s Twitter followers. Accordingly, we conclude that generalizations about RT’s audience based on analyses of RT’s media content, or on vocal minorities among its wider audiences, are unhelpful and limit our understanding of RT and its appeal to international audiences." (Abstract)
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"This report explores the local-specific contextual concerns stemming from global, non-transparent, and profit-driven content moderation processes of social media. The report analyses what happens when certain local communities and countries are 'invisible' to social media platforms and illustrates
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how cross-sectoral collaboration in the form of a coalition for freedom of expression and content moderation could help these communities engage with social media platforms and have a voice in content moderation cases that impact their society." (Executive summary)
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"This report presents a summary analysis of research on current practices of content moderation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Indonesia, and Kenya, with a specific focus on 'harmful content' such as 'hate speech' and disinformation. The methodology combined desk research with qualitative interviews wit
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h key informants (representatives from local stakeholders). Findings from the country reports indicate that social media platforms, rather than serving as spaces for democratic debate and participatory citizenship, have increased ethnic-driven disinformation and politically motivated hatred, and reinforced the exclusion of marginalised groups. Given the importance of social media platforms, in countries where such tensions have in the past caused real-life violence, addressing the weaknesses of content moderation practices is of the utmost importance to ensure sustainable peace and enduring democracies." (Executive summary)
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"The contributions of this special issue are grouped in three sections: context, theoretical framework and empirical research. The first articles set up two important dimensions of the context we are living in that have to be definitely improved if we want to take advantage of the positive sides of
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Covid-19’s effects to bring about real social relations and a good communication of science [...] The following articles deal with three important core components needed to set up a theoretical framework, from which this issue intends to start a serious scholarly conversation around the lessons learned from the Covid’s impact on social communication: (1) how a person knows and shapes his/her judgment in practical affairs when s/he is critically involved in them, (2) why and how science has surrendered to technology in the last decades, (3) and how practical knowledge is socially shared [...] The context and theoretical framework having been set up, the issue enters into the empirical part of our research: several papers examine the news coverage of the Church dealing with the pandemic in a good sample of newspapers around the world, one paper looks at how social media have engaged in the response to the pandemic by the Catholic Church, and another at how local churches have managed the challenges of the pandemic [...] The analysis of worldwide media coverage aims to find out how the mainstream press has portrayed the role of Christian churches and other religious bodies in dealing with the first wave of the coronavirus pandemic. All researchers have broadly shared a common qualitative methodology: looking for the frames and inducing the topoi (common places) underlying the resulting frames of the examination of news and editorial items." (Pages 2-4)
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"Since it first began substantial implementation in 2018, the MDP has enabled UNESCO’s Communication and Information Sector to immediately respond to emerging priorities and needs affecting freedom of expression, the safety of journalists, access to information, and community media. Before its cre
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ation, UNESCO Officers in the field were limited to regular programme funds, and few extrabudgetary projects limited in time and scope, therefore, at times, were unable to provide the urgent support requested by local stakeholders or respond to any emerging need. Through its inherent flexibility, the MDP has over the past four years been able to provide core funding for initiatives, or co-fund projects, as well as maintain momentum when field offices experienced delays in receiving funds between two extrabudgetary projects. It has also enabled UNESCO to immediately respond to urgent needs and not miss windows of opportunity. During the reporting period, this flexibility has allowed the MDP to respond to crises as they appeared, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, the Beirut port explosions, the 2021 crisis in Gaza, or political events in Afghanistan and Myanmar. The MDP’s response to emergencies has been critical and, maintaining this approach, it will continue to respond to urgent needs in countries such as Afghanistan, Lebanon, and Ukraine in the coming biennium." (Summary, page 6)
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"The internet gained centrality as a space of public opinion and political activity that became important for the Russian state to co-opt and control as part of the broader push for control of political elites and public perceptions as Putin and his ruling party pushed to eliminate any functioning o
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pposition and cement their power. Finally, the internet gained importance as a geopolitical strategic object, given its centrality to conflicts, cyberwarfare and foreign policy operations. In the current and ongoing stage, the internet is now also an important object of critical technological infrastructure that is now also being co-opted into full state control as part of the national security and sovereignty agenda. The past decade since 2012 has seen a gradual takeover by the state of key industry players such as VK and Yandex, a crackdown on political and media elites and ordinary users, and the introduction of a swathe of new regulations, all aimed at consolidating state control over an area of importance for the national security and sovereignty agenda. Today, digital authoritarianism is an integral part of Russia’s state survival strategy and is likely to remain as such for the foreseeable future, given Russia’s current international isolation and its fraught and increasingly hostile standoff with the democratic global community." (Analysis and conclusion, page 25)
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"This guide is intended to provide user-friendly, practical guidance for journalists and newsrooms seeking to understand the Russian “fake news” laws, and how they’ve been applied to local and international press." (Page 1)
"Das Buch besteht aus zwei Teilen. Der erste enthält Stichwortartikel zu den Themenbereichen Presse, Radio, Fernsehen, Online-Medien, Agenturen und Medien im Allgemeinen. Im zweiten Teil werden Datentabellen und Grafiken präsentiert, die sich vor allem auf das Jahr 2015 beziehen. Dabei werden sowo
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hl Unterschiede als auch Gemeinsamkeiten der beiden Medienkulturen deutlich. Alle Beiträge wurden – großenteils gemeinsam – von Autorinnen und Autoren beider Seiten verfasst und werden in deutscher und in russischer Sprache gegenübergestellt: ein Ergebnis der langjährigen Zusammenarbeit von Wissenschaftlerinnen und Wissenschaftlern aus den Journalistik-Abteilungen der Technischen Universität Dortmund und der Südlichen Föderalen Universität in Rostov am Don." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Public service media (PSM) are widely acknowledged as part of the variety of solutions to disinformation. The remit of PSM, formed around values of universality, equality, diversity, accuracy and quality, implies a responsibility to fight disinformation by producing fact-based news content and find
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ing anti-disinformation solutions. In this article, we introduce a framework for assessing how PSM organizations are able to counter disinformation in different contexts. Our normative framework provides a triangulation of contextual factors that determine the role of the PSM organization in the national environment, the activities carried out to fight disinformation and expert assessments of the potential of PSM to reduce the impact of disinformation. The framework is illustrated with analyses of PSM from the Czech Republic (CZE), Finland, Spain and the United Kingdom (UK)." (Abstract)
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"Drawing on cases from revolutionary France to the Russia of Vladimir Putin, the international authors probe the nature and agency of local blasphemy accusations, the historical and legal framework in which they were expressed and the violence, both physical and symbolic, accompanying them. In doing
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so, the volume reveals how cultures of blasphemy, and related acts of heresy, apostasy and sacrilege, were a companion to or acted as a trigger for physical action but also a form of how violence was experienced. More generally, it shows the importance of religious sensibilities in modern society and the violent potential contained in criticism or ridicule of the sacred and secular alike." (Publisher description)
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"The aim of this volume is to interpret photography as a specific tool that reifies reality, subjectively frames it, and fits it into various political, ideological, commercial, scientific, and artistic contexts. Without reducing the entire argument to the binary of ‘photography and power’, the
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authors reveal the different modes of seeing that involve distinct cultural norms, social practices, power relations, levels of technology, and networks for circulating photography, and that determined the manner of its (re)use in constructing various images of Central Asia. The volume demonstrates that photography was the cornerstone of imperial media governance and discourse construction in colonial Turkestan of the tsarist and early Soviet periods. The various cases show the complex mechanisms by which images of Turkestan were created, remembered, or forgotten from the nineteenth until the twenty-first century." (Publisher description)
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