"By examining Russian YouTube, this article has attempted to show how in this particular digital environment a shift in social attitudes and the emergence of counterpublics are likely to occur, thus advancing a bottom-up approach to social change. The paper has proceeded in three steps. The first se
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ction reviewed and linked three distinct, yet interrelated theoretical terrains: social-political change, social attitudes change, and the public sphere. This section advanced the claim that a change in social attitudes must precede any bottom-up social change, and that the former is contingent upon the public’s ability to develop a reflective agency, that is, a capacity to reflect upon one’s previously held beliefs. The four conditions under which such reflective agency is likely to emerge were outlined and then linked to the emergence of counterpublics. On the basis of the theoretical discussion, the ensuing methodological and empirical sections have shown that all four conditions obtain to different degrees on Russian YouTube, thereby allowing for counterpublics to emerge. These four conditions are: a non-institutionalised environment, exogenous shocks, presence of difference and exposure to difference." (Conclusion, page 28)
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"Seemingly, Slovaks have access to a wealth of news sources. In reality, though, the market is concentrated in the hands of a few large players. Powerful financial groups such as Penta Investments and J&T, and a handful of magnates including Ivan Kmotrik and Andrej Babis (who is also Czech Republic
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s prime minister) exert decisive influence in the ownership of most major media companies. They are also close to politicians (if they are not themselves one), which means big leverage in regulatory affairs. The entry on the Slovak market of PPF, a Czech financial group led by another wealthy oligarch, Petr Kellner, which bought Markiza TV in 2019, is further cementing the oligarchic control in the country’s media. The Antimonopoly Office of the Slovak Republic known as PMU is much responsible for the shape of the Slovak media market. It has been the PMU that approved a spate of merger cases allowing the expansion of some media owners. Decisions by the PMU in 2015-2016 allowed Penta Investments to take over several major publishers. It was one of these deals that prompted journalists from the daily Sme (acquired by Penta) to leave and set up DennikN. Civil society exerts little influence. International groups are not effective either. The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), a Vienna-based intergovernmental group, has some political leverage, but that does not materialize in any earth-shattering policy changes or palpable improvements for journalists. For example, in early March 2018, Harlem Desir, the head of media at OSCE, called on Slovak authorities in a meeting in Bratislava to investigate the killing by unknown assaulters in February 2018 of the Slovak investigative journalist Jan Kuciak. Instead, two months later, Slovak police began to harass Pavla Holcova, a Slovak journalist who was trying to help with the police investigation. It was only after massive pressures from citizens and journalism groups from abroad that four people were finally charged in October 2019 over Kuciak’s killing. Besides regulation, tightly controlled by authorities and highly politicized, the government plays also a direct role in the Slovak media market. Funding from license fees collected from all Slovak households and state budget makes the public broadcaster RTVS the largest player in the country’s media with a budget in excess of €115m. That is not necessarily bad. For some years, the Slovak public got its money’s worth. The station earned a feather in its cap for improved programming." (Key findings, pages 6-7)
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"With their heavily censored and restricted civil societies at home, China and Russia exploit the asymmetry of democratic systems by targeting open information environments, freedom of expression, participatory civic discourse, and pluralistic and fluid politics. Democracies have unique vulnerabilit
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ies to malign influence activities, but they also have unique and durable strengths. Transparency, rule of law, a free press, and democratic norms—hallmarks of democratic states—foster resilience against malign foreign influence. In the near term, it may be more important for democracies to redouble their efforts to build up their strengths than to reduce their vulnerabilities." (Conclusion)
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"This books critically explores media framing of human trafficking for sexual exploitation in UK, Dutch and Serbian media. It draws upon data from content analysis of online news reports and interviews with journalists and anti-trafficking professionals in order to further explore the framing of tra
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fficking, its production and consequences. Through a combination of quantitative, qualitative and visual research methods, this book offers a comprehensive insight into the mediated representation of trafficking and addresses wider social and political implications of such portrayal." (Publisher description)
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"On December 15, Facebook announced that it had taken down three separate networks that it had discovered for “coordinated inauthentic behavior” that targeted communities across Africa. One, centered on the Central African Republic (CAR) and Mali, was linked to individuals associated with the Fr
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ench military. The other two, centered respectively on CAR and Libya, were connected to the business and influence operations of Russian oligarch Yevgeniy Prigozhin, founder of the mercenary organization Wagner Group and the Internet Research Agency “troll farm.” The French and Russian operations in the CAR tried to expose each other, and repeatedly clashed in groups, comments, and cartoon wars. We have documented the first of the Russian operations in a joint report with Stanford University entitled “Stoking Conflict by Keystroke”; this report focuses on the French and Russian operations that targeted CAR. For the sake of brevity, the operation linked to individuals with ties to the French military will be referred to as the “French operation” in this report, while the Russian operation attributed to individuals associated with past activity by the Internet Research Agency (IRA) and previous operations attributed to entities associated with Russian financier Yevgeniy Prigozhin is referred to as the “Russian operation” in this report. It is worth highlighting that Facebook did not attribute the operation directly to the French Government or the French military, and that this report similarly does not offer evidence of institutional involvement from French governmental and military entities." (Executive summary)
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"There are still opposing and restraining forces to globalization processes taking place in media, and the global mediascape comprises international, regional and local markets, and global and local players, which in recent years have evolved at an uneven pace. By analyzing similarities and differen
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ces in a landscape where driving forces of globalization meet locally situated audiences and institutions, this volume unveils a complex, contested space comprising global and local players, whose success is determined by both their national and international dimensions. It guides its readers to the geographical and intellectual exploration of the international media landscape, analyzing the global and local media players and their modus operandi." (Publisher description)
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"China does not seem to have a regional soft-power strategy and prefers bilateral relations with SEE countries. Institutional ties take the shape of Friendship Associations, business bodies or twinning agreements which, however, rarely live up to expectations. Scientific cooperation between numerous
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universities and thinktanks is of dubious quality to date and there are relatively few scholarships granted to SEE beneficiaries. Confucius Institutes and Classrooms as well as Chinese cultural centres are mushrooming across the region, though the precise number of beneficiaries is hard to verify. History is a key component of China’s cultural diplomacy, but modern Chinese culture is not popular in the region. Beijing seeks to influence the media sector in several formal and less formal ways. Yet, a number of negative reports in the regional media reveal controversial contracts awarded to Chinese companies, if not outright corruption." (Executive summary)
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"Overall, this evaluation has shown that over the last biennia UNESCO has made significant achievements through its work in MIL and is holding the lead in this constantly evolving field that has gained increasing importance at the forefront of global and national agendas. It also revealed that MIL o
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ffers increasingly interdisciplinary opportunities for the Organization and strategic decisions are needed as to the level of priority and adequacy of resources required for optimally positioning this strand of work to contribute to the achievement of Agenda 2030 through a wide range of topics. Among other, work on data privacy and big data, media and freedom of expression areas, a focus on PVE and a boost towards the disinformation, life-long learning and artificial intelligence approaches, as well as an enhanced focus on disadvantaged groups and a more consistent approach to advancing gender equality will allow UNESCO to remain at the forefront and to keep and expand its intellectual and foresight role in the area of MIL." (Abstract)
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"DW Akademie collects and documents the impacts of its projects through a range of methods. There are three approaches that are currently standard in development cooperation: Applied studies, which enable new insights on impacts, impact-oriented monitoring performed with local partners in the course
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of project work, and evaluations prepared by external experts. The present volume focuses on additional methods for presenting impacts: reports from 13 different countries and quantitative data, so-called aggregated impact data, which are reg-ularly collected and bundled. Aggregated impact data sets provide a numerical overview of the people who have been reached through the work of DW Akademie. In 2018, for example, 9.6 million people in rural areas were provided with relevant information with the support of DW Akademie. 26.6 million people have benefited from the restructuring of their state broadcasters and now receive more diverse and attractive reporting. In this publication you will get to know some of the people behind these figures. Their stories are not representative of the totality of the supported target groups but they show which approaches and solutions have worked for individual people and why." (Introduction)
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"This book sheds new light on the study of journalism and communication, considering why and how journalism is studied in the 21st century. It notably offers both an international and interdisciplinary comparison of journalism and communication, examining the history of Chinese and Western journalis
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m and addressing the similarities and differences between them. Focusing on the education and training of future journalists, it also provides a comprehensive study of news coverage systems in China and in Western countries, including the processing of news sources, attitudes towards news communication and comparative communication scholarship. Researchers of media and journalism will find this a key read, as well as practicing journalists and students of journalism." (Publisher description)
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"The research on audience behavior and the effects of Free Media Advocacy Campaign was conducted on a sample of 1,000 respondents, 25 to 55 years of age, and focused on the citizens’ viewpoint towards paying for media content (with the possibility of comparison to 2019 research) and evaluation of
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the campaign “Independent Media Depend on You” (IREX and Agency Communis). In terms of media consumption, respondents from 2019 generally spent more time with media than in the 2020 research. In addition, it is noticeable that respondents in both research cycles spent more time watching television and listening to the radio. The average time respondents spent per day watching television in 2020 was 108.6 minutes, while in 2019 the average time spent watching this media was 161.4 minutes. The average time respondents spent listening to the radio in the research conducted in 2020 is the same as the time spent watching TV (108.6 minutes), while in 2019, radio was the media respondents spent the most time listening to – 166.8 minutes. Social networks are the third most used media in terms of time spent on them per day (average time for 2020 – 87.6 minutes; average time for 2019 – 126.6 minutes). In fourth place are informative online portals and sites, while fifth place is print media with which respondents spend the least time per day (average time – 27 minutes). When it comes to citizens’ trust in media, it is evident that in both research cycles there is a greater distrust than a trust in the media, and this fits in the broader picture of citizen’s distrust in all civil society institutions. A total of 43% of respondents generally do not trust the media in Serbia at all – in 2020, while in 2019 the percentage was lower by two points (41%). On the other hand, a total of 22% of respondents stated that they have full confidence and that they mostly have trust in Serbian media, which is one percentage point more than in the research conducted in 2019. About a third of respondents had a neutral stance about trust in media (31% in 2020, 33% in 2019). A large percentage of respondents were not willing to pay for online content, however, when compared with 2019’s findings, SMS noticed that the willingness to pay for online content is more noticeable in 2020." (Summary)
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"Correspondents in nine countries – Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovenia, Croatia, Serbia, Romania, Bulgaria, and North Macedonia – have analysed how the pandemic has affected to their work environment. Lockdowns have caused print media sales and advertising revenue to collapse. Media w
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ith wealthy benefactors or state support are better placed to survive impending economic hardships. Various emergency laws and provisions allowed governments increased control over public information. In several cases, these enabled officials to evade scrutiny and attack journalists whose reporting challenged official statistics and the effectiveness of crisis measures." (Page 1)
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"Exploring the ways in which language and conflict are intertwined and interrelated, this book examines the changes that have taken place in the public discourse of the Ukraine and Russia since 2014 and the beginning of the 'Ukrainian Crisis.' Through analysis of the narratives constructed by differ
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ent social groups in Ukraine, Language of Conflict shows how discourse can illuminate the competing worldviews and the conflicting positions of the various stakeholders in this conflict. Through critical discourse analysis and multimodality, this book explores the prevalent narratives and the linguistic features of the salient discourses surrounding this conflict. Using Russian- and Ukrainian-language texts from traditional and social media, contributors from Ukraine, Russia and beyond investigate discourses surrounding the most important topics of the crisis: its causes and goals, the sides, and the values and ideologies of the opposing parties. Highlighting the ways in which the stress produced by social discord, economic hardship and violence, is reflected in verbal aggression, slurs, insults and profane language of extraordinary linguistic creativity, Language of Conflict provides insight into the ways people think about, respond to and experience the reality of conflict in their everyday communication." (Publisher description)
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"A gradual transition from unconnected, discrete public relations efforts towards a coherent narrative is in progress. This is facilitated by the strengthening framework of cooperation, the change of posture and behaviour by Chinese institutions, the expansion of points of entry into the media envir
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onment and the widening range of cooperative actors. Such a shift requires a transition from inconspicuousness to a more open and assertive presence which is presently in train. China’s efforts are further accelerated by the existing structural public and media weaknesses. These range from media proximity to government, which encourages media outlets to uncritically amplify the government’s cooperation agenda, to the collapse of traditional business models. Ownership opaqueness creates yet another opening for outside actors with agendas, as does the endless multiplication of media platforms and web sites. An insatiable hunger for free content offers a further point of entry. Even so, China will be facing some headwinds as it attempts to embed and leverage its media presence. These range from an unsuitable style of interaction to cultural distance. Ideological rigidity is an also an issue. China’s strong presence in the region is becoming more and more apparent, inviting alertness and scrutiny." (Conclusions, page 32)
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"This study examines the evolution of independent Russian media, from the glasnost era to the pandemic. It describes some of the pandemic coverage and identifies several of the newsrooms that gave Russians reliable, accountability journalism throughout the early months of the crisis. It may seem obv
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ious that the survival of this journalism is vital for Russian audiences. But foreign audiences also have a stake in truthful reporting that can help us better understand Russia. For foreign governments and their diplomats, independent reporting can be crucial for shaping foreign policy. And for journalists working in other countries where press freedom is under threat, the struggles of Russia’s independent media may offer inspiration and some possible lessons on how to survive." (Introduction, page 4)
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"The Russian book industry is actively preparing for the Bologna Book Fair and the 37th IBBY International Children’s Book Congress, which Moscow will host for the first time this year. How is children’s book publishing developing in Russia? What support does it need from the government?" (Page
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