"Assumptions about the role of call-in programmes as open spaces for pubic engagement and accountability often fail to account for the influence of existing power structures and multiple publics engaging in these programmes for a variety of reasons. Furthermore, the history of call-in programmes rev
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eals that the nature of the medium itself can restrict participation in ways that have not been considered in the literature on media and development in Africa. As this article has argued, radio call-in shows are dynamic spaces where journalists, audiences and public authorities contribute to shaping the public debate, negotiate and renegotiate their roles, and assert and transform the networks of power that link them together. While these spaces have been hailed by academics, NGOs and donors as tools to promote institutional accountability and democratic participation, our analysis shows that they do not simply offer a new platform for citizens to speak up; they also offer a way for existing power structures to reproduce themselves in new forms. This analysis has demonstrated that motivations for calling in are diverse and reflect the multiple actors who call in, many of whom are not seeking to hold authority to account but rather to build their own reputation and social capital. These radio call-in programmes can take on different forms and be influenced by different structural, political and social factors. They are also invested with different degrees of politicisation by the audience." (Conclusion, page 1521-1522)
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"1. Radio, particularly BBC Somali, is an effective medium for reaching people in remote areas of Somalia who are typically hard to reach, including the poorest [...] 2. Drama has been shown to have a particularly powerful role in encouraging audiences to absorb new and relevant information. Tragic
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stories illustrating the potentially fatal results of not adhering to recommended health practices were most recalled by listeners and most associated with improved health practices. The tragic storylines led to an emotional response among the audience, and this has been linked with shifts in knowledge, attitudes and behaviour in the survey. 3. Sufficient time has to be allowed in media interventions to establish a wide audience base and contribute to change in deeply rooted practices and beliefs. In Somalia, preliminary signs that people were broadly aware of and learning from the programme appeared only after more than 30 episodes were aired." (Conclusions)
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"Through innovative research studies and expert commentaries, this book documents the fast evolving invention of the relationship between the millions of social media and mobile phone users around Africa and traditional purveyors of news. Whilst social media demonstrates an unprecedented ability for
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the politically engaged to both bypass and influence traditional information flows, it also faces unique circumstances through much of Africa. Signs of social change brought by mobile technology are evident around the continent, raising questions about the nature of information exchange and citizenship. Working from a wide variety of perspectives and methodologies, the contributors to this collection address key questions emerging from rapid communication change in Africa. This book reveals how new, participatory, interactive communications technologies are enabling new tellings of Africa’s stories." (Publisher description)
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"Clandestine broadcasts are politically-motivated broadcasts produced by groups opposed to the government of the target country. Other target broadcasts can be produced by either governmental or non-governmental organisations and are targetted at zones of regional or local conflict." (Page 508)
"This publication analyzes the ways in which health services, public health administration, and healthcare policies are managed in developing countries and how intercultural, intergroup, and mass communication practices are weakening those efforts. If developing countries are to reach their developm
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ent goals, their leaders must have a firm understanding of the impact of infectious diseases on their people and take prompt action to fix socioeconomic issues arising from the problems associated with poor health practices. Drawing on experiences from international health organizations such as the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), commissioned in poor countries to assist national governments in improving the wellbeing of their citizens, this volume analyzes maternal and child mortality and the spread of infectious diseases, and offers communication strategies for the management of malaria, HIV Aids, Polio, tuberculosis, and others in Somalia, Madagascar, Ghana, South Africa, Zimbabwe, Nigeria, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and India." (Publisher description)
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"The Report builds upon two main directives: on the one hand, it tries to bring together the best practices at the international and comparative level, in an attempt to offer guidance on which policy and regulatory toolkits have already proved successful in achieving longterm goals of economic effic
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iency, sustainability and democratic governance of the media sphere and could therefore be considered by Somali lawmakers as positive and reliable examples. On the other hand, the Report has been drafted with a constant attention to the specificities of the Somali society, tradition and constitutional framework, in order to tailor the recommendations as closely as possible to the specific context of Somalia. For the same purpose, along with the best European and international standards, specific cases from postconflict countries that faced similar challenges have been selected and analysed. The recommendations provided in this Report are meant to accompany the process of law making in Somalia and the public consultation between the government and the local media stakeholders that will develop during the coming months and they aim to help achieve large popular consensus on the adoption of the new Communications Law. The recommendations therefore offer a broad overview on current best practices and are to be read as a useable, adaptable toolkit on general principles rather than as a detailed list of regulatory prescriptions." (Executive summary, page 2)
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"Findings of this research offer new evidence on the extensive campaign of violence and intimidation against journalists in Somalia, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Sudan and South Sudan. At the same time, it also recalls exiled journalists’ commitment to freedom of the press and freedom of expression despite
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harsh life conditions, borderless surveillance and very little perspective of improvement." (Key findings, page 10)
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"Strategic Considerations for a Mali Communications Strategy: Don't forget the importance of local language to reach broad cross-section of the population. Broadcast media remain paramount; on a national radio is likely to be the key medium. Digital is still mostly a niche phenomenon." (Slide 39)
"S
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trategic Considerations for Communicating With Somalis: Role of foreign media remains extremely important. Radio is still the most widely used news medium, across all regions. Heavy access to and usage of alternative platforms opens up additional opportunities. Any communications strategy must include digital and mobile, with potentially greater short-term payoff than elsewhere in Africa." (Slide 54)
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"The objective of this IST Briefing Note issue is to provide an up to date list of Somali media outlets. The aim of this paper is to help relevant actors understand the landscape of Somali media and use this information in order to guide their engagement and approach with Somali media outlets. Based
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on empirical research this review includes: key findings; a brief presentation of the media observatory project; followed by a list of all media outlets (Radios, TV, print and news websites) according to their geographic location in South/Central Somalia, Puntland and Somaliland." (Page 1)
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"The majority of Somalis (65.6%) access news at least once per day. More than one in four Somalis (27.9%) share news daily or most days. Radio is the most popular means for obtaining news in Somalia, with more than four in five (83.9%) reporting they get news via radio at least once per week. More t
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han seven in 10 Somalis (72.4%) say they personally own a mobile phone." (Page 1)
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"Media interventions by international organizations and NGOs in conflict and post-conflict situations seek to develop and shape a media system to contribute to specific political and social ends. The analyses and assessments that inform these interventions are often based on an overview of the forma
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l media and governance structures, such as mass media and state institutions, and overlook informal structures that may be instrumental for political and development goals. This article proposes a framework that can incorporate both the formal and informal modes of communication and participation that characterize a society. This framework encourages a ‘diagnostic’ approach centred around three areas: power, flows, and participation, and enables researchers to take into consideration features that are often overlooked such as customary law; a range of public authorities from politicians to Imams and local elders; information flows that may vary from poetry to mobile phones; and the culture of communication. Examples from the Somali territories, which are characterized by a weak central government, are employed to highlight how informal structures and actors intervene in shaping information flows and the importance of accounting for them." (Abstract)
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"This briefing examines how current media trends are affecting state and societal fragility, both positively and negatively, and argues that the role of a free and plural media should be prioritised rather than marginalised in fragile states policy. The paper provides case studies on the role and im
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pact of the media in Afghanistan, Iraq, Kenya and Somalia, examines some of the main academic and policy debates that have characterised discussion around media and fragile states, and also considers the role of public service broadcasting in fragile states. According to the executive summary "support to the media in fragile states designed to minimise the risk of division and maximise the opportunities for dialogue should feature more prominently in assistance to such states." (CAMECO Update November 2013)
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"This dissertation examines media coverage of the 2011-2012 famine in Somalia by the websites of BBC News, CNN and Al Jazeera. Using both quantitative and qualitative content analyses, it asks why coverage of the famine began as late as it did, despite ample evidence of the coming famine. It further
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surveys the famine--related news reports for evidence of four paradigms through which the causes of famine can be understood; as a Malthusian competition between population and land, as a failure of food entitlements as conceived of by Sen (1981a), as critical political event (Edkins, 2004), or as an issue of criminality (Alex de Waal, 2008). Findings include a dramatic silencing of victim’s accounts of famine, despite a reliance on their photographic images, as well as an overwhelming preference for Malthusian accounts of the famine. Late media coverage is explored via a new-values paradigm which links the sudden outburst of media coverage for the famine to a formal UN declaration, and suggests that this may have created a new elite-relevance to the event which did not exist before, and therefore making it of relevance to domestic publics." (Abstract)
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"Somalia is often described as ‘lawless’ or ‘the world’s most failed state’, a characterization that overlooks the way law and governance actually works in the absence of a capable central government. This article will explore the role of xeer law, or customary law, in regulating media, in
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cluding both older media, such as poetry, and newer media, such as mobile phones, in Somalia’s complex legal environment. While Somalia remains one of the most dangerous regions of the world for journalists, dozens of radio stations are broadcasting in South-Central Somalia and there is a competitive newspaper industry in Somaliland. In addition, the telecoms industry is booming with some of the best connections and lowest rates on the continent for the internet and mobile phones. Various authorities govern media and resolve conflicts across the Somali territories. To understand media ‘law’ in this region we must look beyond the formal state structures." (Abstract)
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"The first decade of the 21st century has seen a proliferation of North American and European films that focus on African politics and society. While once the continent was the setting for narratives of heroic ascendancy over self (The African Queen, 1951; The Snows of Kilimanjaro, 1952), military o
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dds (Zulu, 1964; Khartoum, 1966) and nature (Mogambo, 1953; Hatari!,1962; Born Free, 1966; The Last Safari, 1967), this new wave of films portrays a continent blighted by transnational corruption (The Constant Gardener, 2005), genocide (Hotel Rwanda, 2004; Shooting Dogs, 2006), ‘failed states’ (Black Hawk Down, 2001), illicit transnational commerce (Blood Diamond, 2006) and the unfulfilled promises of decolonization (The Last King of Scotland, 2006). Conversely, where once Apartheid South Africa was a brutal foil for the romance of East Africa (Cry Freedom, 1987; A Dry White Season, 1989), South Africa now serves as a redeemed contrast to the rest of the continent (Red Dust, 2004; Invictus, 2009). Writing from the perspective of long-term engagement with the contexts in which the films are set, anthropologists and historians reflect on these films and assess the contemporary place Africa holds in the North American and European cinematic imagination." (Publisher description)
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"The Horn of Africa is one of the least connected regions in the world. Nevertheless, digital media play an important social and political role in Eritrea, Ethiopia, and Somalia (including South-Central Somalia and the northern self-declared independent Republic of Somaliland). This paper shows how
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the development of the internet, mobile phones and other new communication technologies have been shaped by conflict and power struggles in these countries. It addresses some of the puzzles that characterize the media in the region: for example, how similar rates of penetration of media such as the internet and mobile phones have emerged in Somalia, a state which has not had a functioning government for two decades, and in Ethiopia, one of the countries with the most pervasive and centralized political apparatus in Africa. The paper also gives particular attention to the role played by diasporas, which have been highly infl uential in starting the first websites, blogs and forums covering the politics of the Horn and facilitating debates among Eritreans, Ethiopians and Somalis living at home or abroad." (Page 2)
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