"Public health advocates in the US and South Africa emphasise that many of the vaccine hesitant are not hardened conspiracy theorists, may have reasonable fears about side-effects and are potentially open to persuasion, especially if their concerns are taken seriously by interlocuters they trust. Bu
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t the fact that trusted interlocuters are needed at all is indicative of the scale of challenge posed by conspiratorial moves against scientific medicine. In December 2022 the New York Times reported that medical professionals continued to be frustrated by the persistence of ‘outlandish’ narratives about COVID-19 vaccines (such as containing injectable microchips for surveillances purposes) that discourage vaccination. That suspicions towards, and even conspiracy theories about, vaccines have social, political, and psychological dimensions makes the task of persuasion more difficult than merely providing correct information about a vaccine or drug. The involvement of organised commercial and/or political interests in spreading misinformation – and the role of social media in amplifying it – complicates the challenge yet further. We have emphasised the persistent synergistic connections, from AIDS to COVID-19, between conspiratorial moves against medical science and the promotion of ‘alternative’ therapies. Cultropreneurs, dissident scientists and their libertarian funders often imply that the medical establishment (and even science itself) has been corrupted by political and commercial interests. The irony here is that cultropreneurs themselves have commercial interests in spreading misinformation about scientific medicine, and libertarian donors have obvious political agendas. Pointing this out is grist for the mill of pro-science activists, but they face an uphill struggle in today’s post-truth social context." (Conclusion)
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"This paper focuses on the (in)direct tools of governmental bureaucracy used to control journalistic work in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI). It calls for understanding media capture not only through structural-level consequences, but also through the methods used to create an environment of inst
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ability and unsafety. To make sense of these processes, and how they are experienced and negotiated by journalists, this paper combines scholarship on the emotional labor of journalism with scholarship on processes of media capture in deeply restrictive environments. The mixed-methods approach aims first to uncover structural conditions of media capture in the KRI through a document analysis of 21 public reports published by the Kurdistan Journalists’ Syndicate (KJS) and the Metro Center for Journalists’ Rights and Advocacy (MC) between 2014 and 2020. Second, it aims to reveal how journalists and editors-in-chief from diverse media organizations manage and negotiate these chronic conditions of precarity and instability, through 15 semi-structured in-depth interviews. The results show multiple strategies that have been developed by journalists and editors to mitigate or acclimate direct and indirect bureaucratic violence (e.g., editorial support, socialization skills and networks, understanding of unspoken and unwritten rules, etc.)." (Abstract)
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"Bringing together critical political economy of media and industrial relations research, the chapter argues that the collective bargaining agreement is a communicative means through which digital newsworker unions express worker resistance to labor issues." (Abstract)
"Journalists are regularly exposed to online hate speech their profession. Because discrimination often harms targets and can prompt self-censorship in journalistic content, undermining journalism’s public duty, it is essential to understand factors explaining why journalists become victims of onl
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ine hate speech. Using Routine Activity Theory, an online survey of journalists in Germany (N*=*497) revealed that conceptions of their roles as interpreters or adversaries were associated with more frequently being targets of online hate speech. Moreover, women journalists and journalists with migration background were additionally targeted by respectively sexist and racist online hate speech. Participation in active content moderation, a presumed destructive motivation, and audiences’ weak trust in media also raised journalists’ likelihood of being targets of hate speech online. Newsroom support, however, was positively related to such victimization, possibly as a result of sharing past experiences." (Abstract)
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"Sesame Street tells the history of how the American show became a global brand. The book argues that because domestic production was not financially viable from the beginning, Sesame Street became a commodity forcefully marketed all over the world. It is based on archival research in seven countrie
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s and contains detailed analyses of how local receptions and rejections related to the global sales strategies and the American ideals it built on. Contrary to the producers' often publicized claims of Sesame Street's universality the book demonstrates how the show was heavily shaped by a fixed set of assumptions about childhood, education, and commercial entertainment. This made sales hard as Sesame Street met both skepticism and direct hostility from foreign television producers who did not share these ideals. Drawing on insides from childhood studies and media history, the book lays bare a cultural clash of international proportions rooted in divergent approaches to children's television. In doing so, the book provides a reflective backdrop to the many debates about children's media still happening today. By contrasting the positive receptions and the rejections of Sesame Street the book shows that it was only after substantial rethinking of Sesame Street's aims and business model that the program ended up on many broadcasting schedules by the mid-1970s. Along the way, this rethinking and the constant negotiations with potential international buyers created and shaped the business and corporate brand that paved the way for the Sesame Street we know today." (Publisher description)
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"The Palgrave Handbook of Media Misinformation provides a comprehensive and cutting-edge resource on the critical debates surrounding fake news and misinformation online. Spanning all continents and linking academic, journalistic, and educational communities, this collection offers authoritative cov
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erage of conspiracy theories, the post-Trump and Brexit landscape, and the role of big tech in threats to democracy and free speech. The collection moves through a diagnosis of misinformation and its impacts on democracy and civic societies, the 'mainstreaming' of conspiracy theory, the impacts of misinformation on health and science, and the increasing significance of data visualization. Following these diagnoses, the handbook moves to responses from two communities of practice - the world of journalism and the field of media literacy." (Publisher description)
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"This book focuses on China’s media diplomacy and its interplay with a range of international conflicts. It assesses the representation and framing of China, as well as the perception and reception of China’s media communication in relation to various crises and conflicts. Including detailed ana
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lyses of many cases, it highlights the complex, fluid and dynamic relationship between media and conflict, and discusses how this both exemplifies and also affects China’s relations with the outside world." (Publisher description)
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"Rita Kohlmaier stellt 30 Kriegsberichterstatterinnen und -fotografinnen aus verschiedenen Ländern stellvertretend für den ganzen Berufstand vor. Sie bezahlten oftmals einen hohen Preis: psychische Belastungen, Entfernung von ihren Familien, ständige Unsicherheit. Einige starben bei einem ihrer E
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insätze, wie die Fotojournalistin Anja Niedringhaus oder die amerikanische Kriegsberichterstatterin Dickey Chapelle. Andere wurden ermordet, wie die russische Journalistin Anna Politkowskaja. Ihre Zeugnisse bleiben wichtige Zugänge zum Zeitgeschehen, und ihre Leistungen werden durch internationale Preise gewürdigt. Einzelne ziehen sich, wie Lee Miller nach ihrer umfassenden Dokumentation der letzten Monate des Zweiten Weltkriegs, ins Private zurück und sprechen nicht mehr über das Erlebte. Andere wiederum widmen sich ihr ganzes Leben öffentlich der Frage, wieso Menschen Krieg führen und zu den dokumentierten Gräueltaten fähig sind. Gemeinsam sei ihnen das Bestreben, Mitgefühl für die betroffene Zivilgesellschaft zu wecken, nicht zuletzt, um ihr Publikum zu einem Umdenken zu bewegen und einen Weg zum Frieden vorzubereiten." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"The incorporation of new media technology into journalistic practices led to online harassment, particularly of female journalists. The researchers investigated the tweets of four prominent Pakistani female journalists through the lens of post-colonial feminism and symbolic violence. The qualitativ
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e analysis of 239 tweets revealed themes that corroborated the dominance of sociocultural and political grounds in undermining the status of women and making them susceptible to online harassment. In culturally traditional communities, the position of women is “gender specific,” and socioeconomic status cannot guarantee women’s safety from cultural behaviors. The harassment themes included “you called for it,” adhering to the limits of a male-dominated society, women’s card, threats, “lifafa,” shamelessness, religious policing, moral policing, and pseudo-intellectual labeling. The study recommends expanding research in sociopolitical, religious, and cultural contexts to comprehend symbolic violence, particularly in relation to women." (Abstract)
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"This article seeks to contribute to the existing research on journalist harassment by examining the experiences of Korean journalists who have faced online harassment. While extensive research has been conducted on this issue, there is a need for comparative studies to understand the unique pattern
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s and underlying causes in different nations. The objectives of this article are to explore the experiences of Korean journalists subjected to online harassment, identify the factors they perceive as triggers for such harassment, understand the impacts it has on them, and examine their coping strategies with such incidents. One of the key findings of this research is the significant stress caused by specific shaming websites that aim to insult and discredit targeted journalists. Additionally, this study delves into the impact of online harassment on journalists’ self-censorship practice, where they may avoid covering controversial issues or skew their coverage towards less sensitive perspectives." (Abstract)
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"Mit parteistaatlicher Unterstützung avancierten die großen IT-Unternehmen Chinas seit Ende der 1990er Jahre schnell zu den Motoren der am dynamischsten wachsenden Digitalwirtschaft der Welt. Sie adaptierten zunächst Produkte und Geschäftsmodelle aus dem Ausland, gingen danach aber eigene Wege.
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Millionen von Chinesinnen und Chinesen entdeckten auf Diskussionsplattformen, in Spielen oder durch Blogs neue Möglichkeiten der Identitätsgestaltung und erlernten neue Formen des Austauschs. Diese Technik-Begeisterung überlagerte lange die mahnenden Stimmen, die auf die destruktiven Folgen der Digitalisierung und des flächendeckenden staatlichen Datenmissbrauchs hinwiesen. Rund um die Olympischen Sommerspiele 2008 in Beijing begann die Staats- und Parteiführung, den internationalen Informationsfluss einzuschränken, indem etwa Twitter und Facebook in China offiziell geblockt wurden, und investierte systematisch in eigene digitale Technologien. Diese Entwicklung hat unter Xi Jinping und durch den neuen «Kalten Krieg» mit den USA noch einmal Fahrt aufgenommen. Wer sind heute die zentralen Akteure auf Chinas digitalem Weg in die Zukunft? Wie abhängig sind sie von Staat und Partei? Und welche Potenziale bergen die neuen Technologien für den Wunsch nach interner Öffnung und Demokratisierung?" (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"What are the challenges that Mexican women journalists face in a hostile environment for the press? Mexico is one of the deadliest countries in which to practice journalism. More than 160 reporters have been assassinated since 2000. Within this context, female journalists face a four-layered challe
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nge: firstly, to work in a country with a high level of anti-press violence; secondly, the state and situation of their gender in a country riddled with femicide; thirdly, their sources, colleagues, and bosses immersed in a patriarchal structure of naturalized misogyny; and fourthly, the state. This chapter examines and reveals, through in-depth, semi-structured interviews of women journalists from several parts of Mexico who cover the beat of hard news, the challenges they face when doing their work with various actors. This research aims to shed light into the world of local female journalists in Mexico that could mirror the situation of female journalists in the Global South." (Abstract)
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"We conducted interviews with conflict journalists who covered the conflicts in Syria, Yemen, Libya, and Iraq and who work for the major international news agencies and media companies. These journalists did most of their reporting from remote locations as the conflict zones were too dangerous to be
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physically present. We investigated how the journalist did their jobs with the communicative affordances of digital tools and how digital trust-building occurred. The trust-building process between journalists and sources shifted across platforms and according to the technologies’ communicative affordances. We established that reporters had embraced the flow of news material on social media platforms as a valuable source of information, but after exercising extreme caution. Journalists upheld the boundaries that separated them from amateurs by emphasizing their role in making sense of events. They also fortified their gatekeeping role through verifying and vetting information – a task needed to maintain credibility and protect readers and viewers from misinformation and propaganda. Encrypted messaging applications such as WhatsApp played a major role in speeding up communication with and protecting potential sources and verification." (Abstract)
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