"Rather than viewing social media activism as the harbinger of social change or dismissing it as mere “slacktivism,” the article provides a more nuanced argument by identifying the conditions under which participation in social media might lead to successful political activism. In social media,
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networks are vast, content is overly abundant, attention spans are short, and conversations are parsed into diminutive sentences. For social media activism to be translated into populist political activism, it needs to embrace the principles of the contemporary culture of consumption: light package, headline appetite and trailer vision. Social media activism is more likely to successfully mobilise mass support when its narratives are simple, associated with low risk actions and congruent with dominant meta-narratives, such as nationalism and religiosity. Success is less likely when the narrative is contested by dominant competing narratives generated in mainstream media." (Abstract)
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"This book sheds light on the growing phenomenon of cyberactivism in the Arab world, with a special focus on the Egyptian political blogosphere and its role in paving the way to democratization and socio-political change in Egypt, which culminated in Egypt's historical popular revolution." (Publishe
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r descripton)
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"This article explores how Facebook is used by South African youth, with particular reference to their political participation and involvement. Research has shown the declining involvement of young people in political processes, particularly since democratic elections in 1994. This is an internation
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al trend, with a general global rise of political apathy and decreased news consumption among youth. However, Facebook and other new media applications widely used by young people have been seen as a potential vehicle to re-engage youth in political debate. The potential usefulness of such applications for creating networked publics and mobilizing political action was highlighted recently during the Arab Spring; and conversely, Facebook and Twitter have been used (e.g. in the United States) to target potential youth voters. The notion of e-democracy has raised the potential of the Internet to enhance political action and activism. The article draws on a national quantitative survey and Cape Town-based focus groups with South African youth in order to explore the links between Facebook use and political participation. The article argues that youth are engaging with alternative forms of political subactivism that work at the margins of the dominant public sphere." (Abstract)
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"Research on new media has always highlighted the assumption that in authoritarian contexts, communication technologies provide political activists with ampler space than available in the heavily policed physical world. However, social and political changes taking place throughout Egypt and the Arab
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region reflect a shift. In a country like Egypt, where only around 30 % of the population have internet access, the vibrant digital media scene is relocating itself once more in public spaces. Digital initiatives, such as Askar Kadhibun (Lying generals) and Musirrin (Steadfast), are transforming online media material into older (pre-modern) modes of traditional media, such as graffiti and traveling street performances. This constitutes a shift towards the ascendancy of popular cultural production, and a challenge to the reification and sacrilization of digital media in a context where poverty and illiteracy play a major role in both the dissemination of information and in political mobilization." (Abstract)
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"This article discusses the role of ‘cyberactivism’ or the role played by new media in paving the way for political transformation, in both the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions of 2011. It starts with a discussion of the potentials of cyberactivism in both of these revolutions, especially how t
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hese new types of social media can act as effective tools for supporting the capabilities of the democratic activists by allowing forums for free speech and political networking opportunities; providing a virtual space for assembly; supporting the capability of the protestors to plan, organize and execute peaceful protests, while documenting the protests and governmental reactions to them; and providing forums for collaboration between the Tunisian and the Egyptian activists. It also sheds light on some of the limitations of the role of social media in both of these revolutions and highlights some of the overlaps and divergences between the role of cyberactivism in both of them, through comparing the similarities and differences in contexts, actors and tools." (Abstract)
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"An extraordinary wave of popular protest swept the Arab world in 2011. Massive popular mobilization brought down long-ruling leaders in Tunisia and Egypt, helped spark bloody struggles in Bahrain, Libya, Syria, and Yemen, and fundamentally reshaped the nature of politics in the region. New media -
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at least that which uses bit.ly linkages - did not appear to play a significant role in either in-country collective action or regional diffusion during this period. This lack of impact does not mean that social media - or digital media generally - were unimportant. Nor does it preclude the possibility that other new media technologies were significant in these contexts, or even that different Twitter or link data would show different results. But it does mean that at least in terms of media that use bit.ly links (especially Twitter), data do not provide strong support for claims of significant new media impact on Arab Spring political protests. New media outlets that use bit.ly are more likely to spread information outside the region than inside it, acting like a megaphone more than a rallying cry. This dissemination could be significant if it led to a boomerang effect that brought international pressure to bear on autocratic regimes, or helped reduce a regimefs tendency to crack down violently on protests. It is increasingly difficult to separate new media from old media. In the Arab Spring, the two reinforced each other. New media must be understood as part of a wider information arena in which new and old media form complex interrelationships. Of the four major Arab Spring protests analyzed - Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Bahrain - large differences were found across the four in the amount of information consumed via social media. The events in Egypt and in Libya (#jan25 and #feb17, respectively) garnered many more clicks on a much larger number of URLs than those in Tunisia and Bahrain." (Summary, page 3)
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"Panos is working with 20 radio stations across Uganda to give voice to the voiceless through facilitating debate. It isagainst this background that Panos Eastern Africa (PEA) has developed this Guide to help our partner radio stations and journalists improve the quality of their debate and hope it
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will be useful to the media in general. The guide therefore highlights the role of radio producers and moderators in reaching rural communities recognizing that they too can set agenda for news and debate on radio, thereby positively contributing to the country’s development in all spheres. The rural debate methodology has highlighted the potential radio has to create an informed society that can hold leaders at the different levels to account." (Foreword)
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"This report presents the main findings of three regional surveys on participation at local and community radio stations in Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Pacific. The studies examined the involvement of the radio stations’ communities in programming, management, ownership and funding. Partic
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ipation of the community is an important feature of almost all stations participating in the survey. In all regions, involvement in programming is strongest. Results show that “traditional” forms of listener involvement, such as participation in talk shows or call-in programmes - which can also be found at public or commercial radio stations – are most frequent in local/community radios. Participation in management, ownership and funding are less common. Whereas the ranking of the various areas of participation is similar throughout the regions, differences exist in their importance: Latin American radios top participation in programming, but they are far below average in management and ownership. In Africa, the level of participation in financing and ownership is comparatively high. In Asia, participation in management plays a crucial role. The majority of the stations generate revenue through multiple sources. In Latin America, advertising is of primary importance, in Africa, sale of airtime and funding by foreign and local donors are relatively significant, while in Asia, governmental support plays a bigger role than in the other two continents. Lack of funds is seen as the most severe constraint for an increased participation of communities in all regions covered by the survey. An early involvement of the communities (in the planning and implementation phase) and their organisation in listeners' clubs are two factors that lead to stronger participation." (Abstract)
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"Ce rapport présente les principales conclusions de trois enquêtes régionales sur la participation dans certaines stations de radio locales et communautaires en Afrique, en Asie, en Amérique latine et en Océanie. Les enquêtes ont porté sur la participation des communautés dans la programmati
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on, la gestion, la propriété et le financement des radios. Les résultats ne sont en aucun cas représentatifs; ils fourniront cependant une base pour la poursuite de recherches plus approfondies et conduiront à une publication. La participation de la communauté est un élément important pour presque toutes les stations qui ont participé à l'enquête. Dans toutes les régions, la participation dans la programmation est la plus forte. Les résultats montrent que les formes «traditionnelles» de la participation des auditeurs, comme la participation à des talk-shows ou à des programmes interactifs – présentes également dans les radios publiques ou commerciales, sont très fréquentes dans les radios locales et/ou communautaires. La participation à la gestion, à la propriété et au financement est moins répandue. Bien que le classement des différents domaines de la participation soit semblable dans toutes les régions, il présente certaines différences dans leur importance : les radios d'Amérique latine montrent une participation particulièrement élevée dans la programmation, mais sont de loin inférieures à la moyenne au niveau de la gestion et la propriété. En Afrique, le niveau de participation dans le financement et la propriété est relativement élevé. En Asie la participation à la gestion joue un rôle important. La majorité des stations génèrent des revenus par des sources et des activités multiples et variées. En Amérique latine, la publicité est d'une importance primordiale; en Afrique, la vente de temps d’antenne ainsi que le financement par des donateurs étrangers et locaux sont deux facteurs relativement notables, tandis qu'en Asie, l'appui du gouvernement joue un rôle plus important que dans les deux autres continents. Le manque de fonds est considéré comme la contrainte la plus forte pour une participation accrue des communautés dans toutes les régions couvertes par l'enquête. Une implication précoce des communautés (dès les phases de planification et de mise en oeuvre) et leur organisation en clubs d’auditeurs sont deux facteurs qui conduisent à une plus forte participation." (Résumé)
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"Este informe presenta los principales resultados de tres sondeos regionales sobre la participación en las radios locales y comunitarias en África, América Latina, Asia y el Pacífico. Los sondeos investigaron la participación de las respectivas comunidades en la programación, la gestión, la p
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ropiedad y el financiamiento de las emisoras. La participación de la comunidad es un elemento importante en casi todas las radios participantes en este sondeo. En todos los continentes, la participación se da con mayor fuerza en el área de la programación. Los resultados muestran que las formas 'tradicionales' de participación de los oyentes, como los programas de entrevistas o la participación por teléfono – también muy de uso en la radio pública o comercial - son las más frecuentes en la radio local y comunitaria. La participación en la gestión, la propiedad y el financiamiento es menos común. Mientras la clasificación de las diferentes áreas de participación es similar a través de las regiones investigadas, se dan sin embargo ciertas diferencias de importancia: las emisoras latinoamericanas tienen mayor participación a nivel de la programación, pero están por debajo del promedio en las áreas de gestión y propiedad. En África el nivel de participación en el financiamiento y la propiedad es relativamente alto. En Asia la participación en la gestión juega un papel fundamental. La mayoría de las radios genera ingresos por una variedad de fuentes. En América Latina la publicidad es de primera importancia, en África la venta de espacios radiales y el financiamiento por donantes locales y extranjeros tienen un peso significativo, mientras que en Asia el financiamiento del estado juega un papel mayor que en los otros dos continentes. En todas las regiones que cubrió el sondeo, se percibe la falta de fondos como el limitante más severo para lograr una mayor participación de las comunidades. Un compromiso 'temprano' de las comunidades (ya en la fase de planificación y ejecución) y la existencia de clubes de oyentes son dos factores que conducen a una participación más intensa." (Resumen)
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"The Protection Project encourages the dissemination of information about the best ways to combat trafficking in persons by recommending five main components of civil society: (a) nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), (b) corporations, (c) academia, (d) media, and (e) faith-based organizations. The
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Protection Project’s '100 Best Practices in Combating Trafficking in Persons: The Role of Civil Society' offers examples of some successful initiatives that have been undertaken by representatives of those five main categories. This publication is intended to serve as a guide in the design and implementation of anti-trafficking practices worldwide, as well as to inform the general public about outstanding contributions to the fight against trafficking in persons. This document is divided into five parts: Part I highlights initiatives carried out by NGOs, which are grouped under four broad categories: prevention, protection, identification and investigation, and multipronged initiatives. Part II lists initiatives undertaken by corporations, employment agencies, unions, and workers’ associations. Research projects, secondary school, and university courses about trafficking in persons, as well as clinical programs, are grouped in Part III, which is devoted to academia. Part IV focuses on media initiatives and highlights the different means used to inform the widest possible audience about trafficking in persons, including news programs, documentaries, films, websites, and mobile applications. Finally, Part V highlights the role that religious institutions can play in the fight against trafficking and lists initiatives taken by faith-based organizations." (Introduction, page 1)
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"In this book, based on the culture-centered approach to social change, we listen to the voices of resistance across the globe that foreground alternative rationalities of social, political, and economic organizing, challenging the hegemony of neoliberal ideology in organizing global economies. Prim
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arily based on the economic substratum of resistance work, the book highlights the discourses, messages, and narratives of change that are articulated by the very people who are rendered invisible by the structures of neoliberalism. Drawing upon earlier work in Communication Studies that outlines the relationships between the discursive and material processes of resistance, the voices in this book engage with the possibilities of transformative politics as embodied in the agentic expression of those across the globe who are participating in varied forms of collective actions in order to be recognized and to resist the unequal policies promoted by neoliberalism. Drawing upon the Subaltern Studies framework, on one hand, the book begins with the key concepts of deconstruction that are embodied in the critical communication literature; on the other hand, the deconstructive turn is seen as an opening for engaging with the positive sites of transformative politics that depict subaltern struggles for recognition and representation." (Preface, pix-x)
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"To deepen our understanding of the relationship between social media and political change during the Egyptian uprising of early 2011, events in Tahrir Square must be situated in a larger context of media use and recent history of online activism. For several years, the most successful social moveme
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nts in Egypt, including Kefaya, the April 6th Youth, and We are all Khaled Said, were those using social media to expand networks of disaffected Egyptians, broker relations between activists, and globalize the resources and reach of opposition leaders. Social media afforded these opposition leaders the means to shape repertoires of contention, frame the issues, propagate unifying symbols, and transform online activism into offline protests." (Abstract)
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"This book focuses on the impact of digital media use for political engagement across varied geographic and political contexts, using a diversity of methodological approaches and datasets. The book addresses an important gap in the contemporary literature on digital politics, identifying context dep
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endent and transcendent political consequences of digital media use. While the majority of the empirical work in this field has been based on studies from the United States and United Kingdom, this volume seeks to place those results into comparative relief with other regions of the world. It moves debates in this field of study forward by identifying system-level attributes that shape digital political engagement across a wide variety of contexts. The evidence analyzed across the fifteen cases considered in the book suggests that engagement with digital environments influences users' political orientations and that contextual features play a significant role in shaping digital politics." (Publisher description)
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"Social media, particularly blogging, Facebook and Twitter, have played a key role in instigating, accelerating and even organizing some of the uprisings and revolutions that have been taking place all over the Middle East. This role has been effective in galvanizing the youth and empowering them in
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their fights against repressive regimes and their plight for more freedom and independence. This study looks into the social media role in the so-called “Facebook revolution”, which took place in Egypt in January 2011 and the so-called “Twitter uprising”, which took place in Iran in June 2009. The Egyptian revolution did succeed in toppling the regime, while the Iranian uprising failed. Why did the calls for political change that started in the virtual world lead to actual change in the real world in Egypt but not in Iran? This study addresses this question by providing a critical analysis of the available literature and interviews with online activists in Egypt and Iran. The authors used the SPIN model (Segmentation, polycentrism, integration and networking) as a theoretical framework and concluded that the model helped social media succeed in Egypt, but not in Iran." (Abstract)
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"In the 2012 elections, the internet – and particularly the social networks – became more important than ever before and took up an unprecedented amount of space in the media. The role played by Web 2.0 in the 2012 elections in Mexico cannot be assessed without bringing the #YoSoy132 movement in
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to the equation. This phenomenon brought together the two elements of “youth participation” and “Web 2.0 tools” to enliven the political debate during the election campaign." (https://www.kas.de)
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