"[Esta publicación] investiga y reflexiona sobre las complejidades, ambigüedades y vacíos del activismo digital. Partiendo de un trabajo de campo sobre movimientos sociales, colectivos y partidos políticos en España, Italia y Méijco, Emiliano Treré desentraña la naturaleza híbrida del activ
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ismo contemporáneo que combina lo físico y lo digital, lo humano y lo no humano, lo viejo y lo nuevo, lo interno y lo externo, lo corporativo y lo alternativo. esta obra demustra que el activismo digital es ambivalente y que el poder algorítmico tiene dos caras: ocultar el autoritarismo o repensar la democracia; servir a la represión y el proselitismo o practicar la apropiación y la resitencia." (Cubierta del libro)
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"The growth of the Internet in the last two decades has helped increase political and civic en-gagement and scrutiny. The growth of a digital economy in Kenya has led to the emergence of a vibrant online community with 89.7 % of the population having access to the Internet. This paper examines how K
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enyans on Twitter (KOT) use visuals as a form of political protest. Using an open source data tool, the paper provides results from a qualitative analysis of 200 tweets that drove three political hashtags with a special focus on the most prominent memes, cartoons and pictures. This research finds that #KOT uses visuals to highlight government corruption and incompetence through mockery, condemnation and humour." (Abstract)
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"Since the Arab uprisings of 2011, Palestinian youth movements have formed unofficial and leaderless networks of political activism, using the internet to mobilise and bring together three generations of Palestinian activists. This book focuses on three key case studies that have marked a turning po
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int in the development of youth-organised and grassroots Palestinian politics: the 15 March movement in Gaza, the Palestinians for Dignity movement in the West Bank, and the Prawer movement of young Palestinians in Israel. Drawing on extensive fieldwork composed of interviews with leading Palestinian activists in the West Bank and Gaza and detailed analysis of social media patterns, this book offers a fresh reading of Palestinian youth and their central online and offline role in popular protests against both Israeli and Palestinian power structures." (Publisher description)
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"Policy advocacy is an increasingly important function of many nonprofit organizations, as they seek broad social changes in their concerning issues. Their advocacy practices, however, have often been guided by their own past experiences, anecdotes from peer networks, and consultant advice. Most of
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their practices have largely escaped empirical and theoretical grounding that could better root their work in established theories of policy change. The first book of its kind, Nonprofits in Policy Advocacy bridges this gap by connecting real practices of on-the-ground policy advocates with the burgeoning academic literature in policy studies. In the process, it empirically identifies six distinct policy advocacy strategies, and their accompanying tactics, used by nonprofits. Case studies tell the stories of how advocates apply these strategies in a wide variety of issues including civil rights, criminal justice, education, energy, environment, public health, public infrastructure, and youth." (Publisher description)
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"[...] El ciberactivismo emerge como una nueva forma de participación y movilización política, que pretende dinamitar los marcos de acción colectiva promoviendo la actuación de los ciudadanos dentro del espacio público. Dentro de la perspectiva de nuestra investigación, el ciberactivismo en C
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aracas se expresa de forma muy incipiente, si bien se han dado algunos eventos o movilizaciones, no podemos hablar de una movilización en red, ni mucho menos de repercusiones en los ámbitos políticos o sociales que conlleve a un proceso de cambio social. El ciberactivismo en Caracas no representa en los actuales momentos una nueva esfera del ejercicio de la ciudadanía y la participación política, con ello no negamos que haya algunas experiencias concretas o la realización exitosa de campañas usando las redes sociales, pero aún falta un largo camino por recorrer para fortalecer, incentivar la participación e impulsar una cultura cívica para actuar en la vida política ..." (Conclusiones)
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"WhatsApp und Facebook werden auch in Lateinamerika massiv genutzt, vor allem aufgrund ihres vermeintlich kostenlosen Charakters. Auch dort wird das Problem der rechten Meinungsmache und der Fake News diskutiert, denn die Tatsache, dass sich die Leute heute vor allem über Werbeplattformen informier
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en, die unzutreffend „soziale Medien“ genannt werden, hat handfeste politische Auswirkungen. In Brasilien und El Salvador wurden die jüngsten Wahlen nicht über Präsenz und Debatten in den traditionellen Medien gewonnen, sondern über gut vorbereitete und teure WhatsApp-Kampagnen. In Brasilien siegt so der Rechtsextremist Jair Bolsonaro, in El Salvador der politische Wende-hals und PR-Profi Nayib Bukele. Die brasilianischen WhatsApp-Nutzer*innen wurden während des Wahlkampfs mit gefälschtem, häufig explizit sexuellem Inhalt geflutet, wie etwa der Meldung, dass die Arbeiterpartei plane, Babyfläschchen mit Nuckel in Penisform zu verteilen, um die Homosexualisierung der Kleinkinder voranzutreiben.
Haarsträubendes postfaktisches Zeitalter – warum fallen Fake News auf fruchtbaren Boden? Klar ist: Klassische Medien haben ihre Funktion als „Gatekeeper“, als Instanzen, die sortieren und filtern, längst eingebüßt. Die Gesellschaften werden vielfältiger und unübersichtlicher: mehr Pluralität auf der einen Seite, andererseits immer tiefere Gräben, die sich durch die Gesellschaften ziehen. Die mediale Öffentlichkeit und die Zugangsbedingungen zu ihr wandeln sich. Die Menschen misstrauen „denen da oben“ durchaus zu Recht. Aber die kommerziellen Global Tech Player beherrschen die Räume für Kommunikation, Information und Meinungsbildung mit Algorithmen. Das hat Folgen. Das Geschäftsmodell basiert auf Datenschürfen, kombiniert mit persönlich zugeschnittener Werbung. Du bekommst das, was du sehen und hören willst, nicht was wahr ist und den Tatsachen entspricht. Und davon profitieren vor allem rechtspopulistische Akteure.
Gibt es dazu einen funktionierenden linken Gegenentwurf? Wir, die Macher*innen der ila und ähnlich Gesinnte, wollten eigentlich schon immer zur Bildung einer Gegenöffentlichkeit beitragen, positionierten uns gegen den „bürgerlichen Journalismus als Stellvertreterjournalismus“, wollten „Betroffenenberichterstattung“. Heute haben Rechte und Rechtsextreme den Begriff „Gegenöffentlichkeit“ für sich gekapert. Und jetzt haben wir den Salat.
Aktuell existiert eine Öffentlichkeit jenseits der Dichotomie „staatlich geregelt oder privat“. Wir haben kein Problem mehr damit, unsere eigenen Inhalte zu verbreiten und eigene Medien zu schaffen. Das stellt allerdings noch längst nicht sicher, dass wir auch gehört werden. Der springende Punkt ist nicht mehr der Zugang, sondern die Reichweite. Wir konkurrieren mit allen anderen Anbietern von welcher Information auch immer um Aufmerksamkeit. Und dabei verfügen wir, kaum anders als früher, immer noch über die schwächeren Möglichkeiten.
Wie sieht also das Überleben im „Plattformkapitalismus“ aus, wie sich darin bewegen, schützen, informieren, seine Meinung bilden und als politisch Aktive oder alternative Medienschaffende die eigenen Inhalte verbreiten? Dazu ein paar Ideen, die sich aus der Auseinandersetzung mit dem Thema und lateinamerikanischen Gesprächspartner*innen herauskristallisieren: Versteht, die Technik zu verstehen (in Lateinamerika ist die Rede von hackear la tecnología, also die Technologie für die eigenen Zwecke zu nutzen wissen), wahrt eine kritische Distanz, haltet eure Informationsquellen vielfältig (was vor allem auch Kindern und Jugendlichen vermittelt werden sollte), schafft und nutzt alternative Plattformen. Manchmal kann auch digitales Fasten das Gebot der Stunde sein. Handy aus und raus auf die Straße – oder in den Wald." (Editorial)
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"In this report, I have provided a glimpse of the ways in which innovative media outlets act as political agents in their current contexts, through their expressed positions, their content, and the forms in which they publish. Further work is needed to more fully describe the editorial sensibilities
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of these projects, as well as audience reception." (Page 13)
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"This paper examines digital mobilisation with respect to knowledge production, legitimacy and power in Sudan since new communication and surveillance technologies became widespread. Enthusiasm for digital opposition peaked with the Arab Spring and troughed through the repressive government apparatu
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s. Social media (SMS, Facebook, Twitter) and crowdsourcing technologies can threaten the government’s control over the public sphere as participatory practices. To arrive at this finding, we argue the significance of epistemological tools of those who control the representation of digital power, and approach state legitimacy as an ongoing and fragile process of constructing “reality” that requires continuous work to stabilise and uphold. At the same time, the paper describes an international counterpublic of security researchers and hackers who revealed that the Sudanese government invested greatly in controlling the digital landscape. We analyse Nafeer, a local grass-roots initiative for flood-disaster-relief that made use of digital media despite the digital suppression. Nafeer’s challenge to the state came from the way it threatened the state-monopoly over knowledge, revealing both the fragility and the power of state legitimacy." (Abtsract)
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"The most extreme damage inflicted by social media can be seen in South Sudan. As documented in the chapter by Theo Dolan, social media in South Sudan has contributed to hatred and conflict among ethnic groups. Many investigators, including UN investigators, have warned that South Sudan's social med
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ia are triggering violence against ethnic groups. Since the beginning of the civil war in late 2013, social media has fuelled waves of hate speech that have provoked deadly violence and ethnic conflict in South Sudan, including massacres and other atrocities. In that sense, social media has become a new variation of the "hate radio" phenomenon that flourished in Rwanda before and during the 1994 genocide … Social media is also emerging as a powerful way to harass and intimidate the opponents of a regime or a political party. In this sense, it adds another weapon to the arsenal of a powerful regime that already has multiple weapons at its disposal. A regime can mobilize its supporters to use social media in a targeted way against its foes, or it can use its financial resources to create a fake army of fictional users on social media. In either case, it is tilting the playing field against its enemies. A targeted attack through social media can be more effective than the telephone threats or messages often deployed in the past. The use of social media can be more intimidating because it belittles the targeted person in front of a much bigger audience. The presence of this audience means that the attack is more damaging, more difficult to ignore and has the potential to mobilize large numbers of people against the victim … While social media is often used for anti-democratic purposes in Africa's authoritarian states, it has also been used as a force for reform, accountability and justice. It has helped to safeguard the fairness of elections. It has allowed greater scrutiny of potential threats, such as vote-rigging or violence, allowing citizens to be alerted when there is still a chance to prevent the worst abuses. It has put a spotlight on corruption and political wrongdoing, allowing activists to mobilize pressure on governments to resolve these long-neglected problems. In some cases, as it did in the Arab Spring, social media has played a role in toppling an authoritarian state. When an election was called in the small West African state of Gambia, where the dictator Yahya Jammeh had ruled for 22 years, opposition candidates had little access to state-controlled media. So the main opposition party created more than a dozen WhatsApp groups, allowing it to communicate with voters. Other forms of social media also proliferated. A leading independent group, the Gambia Youth and Women's Forum, discussed election issues on a public Facebook group with 55,000 members. The government blocked access to WhatsApp and eventually extended the shutdown to the entire internet, but Gambians used virtual private network (VPN) technology to bypass the shutdown. The opposition won the election and Jammeh was forced to flee the country." (Pages 419-423)
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"Drawing on over a dozen new empirical case studies – from Kenya to Somalia, South Africa to Tanzania – this collection explores how rapidly growing social media use is reshaping political engagement in Africa. But while social media has often been hailed as a liberating tool, the book demonstra
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tes how it has often served to reinforce existing power dynamics, rather than challenge them. Featuring experts from a range of disciplines from across the continent, this collection is the first comprehensive overview of social media and politics in Africa. By examining the historical, political, and social context in which these media platforms are used, the book reveals the profound effects of cyber-activism, cyber-crime, state policing and surveillance on political participation." (Publisher description)
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"To conclude, current Internet-based innovations, including Web 2.0 tools and the wherewithal to use these tools, have given consumers a new form of freedom, and voice. As such, they are more apt to start campaigns, expose social injustices, and demand change from the institutions concerned. We cont
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end that activism in the online realm may contribute to creating a more empowered consumer who participates to the degree that he or she is able. While this ease of participation and the ability to start consumer campaigns from one’s home computer have added to the social conscience and social awareness of society, they have introduced new conundrums to contemplate. One wonders whether the plethora of petitions and viral videos on behalf of various causes have the desired effects or whether they confuse matters. After all, if there are 259 Facebook pages calling for stringent GMO policies, which one does the consumer join? Perhaps the most important contribution of this chapter is to be a starting point for additional empirical research on the various questions surrounding online consumer activism." (Page 364)
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"Scholars argue that contemporary movements in the age of social media are leaderless and self-organised. However, the concept of connective leadership has been put forward to highlight the need for movements to have figures who connect entities together. This study conducts a qualitative research o
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f 30 interviews of human rights groups in the 2011 Egyptian revolution to address the question of how leadership is performed in information and communication technology–enabled activism. The article reconceptualises connective leadership as decentred, emergent and collectively performed, and provides a broader and richer account of leaders’ roles, characteristics and challenges." (Abstract)
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"Son cuatro los capítulos que acá se incluyen que reúnen teoría, conceptos, casos, iniciativas, datos, ejemplos y, por supuesto, reflexión y análisis. Los capítulos abarcan: 1. Definiciones sobre Democracia Digital. Se revisa de manera teórica, clara y concisa lo que es la Democracia Digital
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: qué significa, su alcance y cómo afecta directamente a todos. Se explica la importancia de la e-participación y la deliberación en la era digital. El propósito es demostrar cómo Internet y las TIC pueden aportar favorablemente en la consolidación de la democracia. 2. Ciudadanía Digital: empoderamiento y cambio en la era digital. Se define al Ciudadano 2.0 y se exponen los casos emblemáticos en el Perú sobre cómo la ciudadanía se ha adaptado rápidamente a los procesos de digitalización; así como iniciativas que han logrado cambios y resultados importantes en la sociedad. Además, se destaca la importancia de la relación entre el mundo online y offline. 3. La política en tiempos digitales. Se inicia analizando cómo las redes sociales contribuyen a la polarización, a la desinformación y al surgimiento de populismos. Examina las campañas presidenciales de Obama y Trump; así como el papel de los partidos políticos en el Perú. Incluye los esfuerzos que se han impulsado desde el sector público para implementar las políticas referidas al Gobierno Abierto y la apertura de datos, además, de los procesos de digitalización que se han iniciado para lograr una transformación digital en el sector. 4. Gobernanza de Internet y los Derechos Humanos en línea. Se revisan los conceptos relacionados a la gobernanza de Internet, establecidos en la Cumbre Mundial de la Sociedad de la Información de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas (ONU). Se hace un repaso a los esfuerzos que ya se han emprendido para proteger los derechos humanos online y otros instrumentos internacionales en el marco de la ONU, Unesco y el sistema interamericano a fin de fortalecer el ecosistema digital." (Página 26-27)
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"This text, of exploratory stamp, debates the digital activism in contemporary Brazil. Methodologically, we will make a discussion on cyberactivism, digital media, and national pressure groups starting from two examples, Movimento Brasil Livre (The Free Brazil Movement) and Vem pra Rua (Come to The
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Street movement) – these are key movements in the organisation of the big anti-government mobilisation that took place in 2015–2016 in Brazil. The theme is important because it embraces current and future challenges of the digital activism, once that this field faced significant changes in the last decades, with the development of interactive media and the technological convergence." (Abstract)
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"L’étude suggère que les médias sociaux ne sont pas toujours la panacée pour l’engagement citoyen des jeunes. Internet n’est pas un monde isolé en soi dans le sens où il ne fait que prolonger les usages éprouvés dans la vie citoyenne. Son rôle dans l’essor des Révolutions arabes a
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quelques fois été surestimé. Sans aucun doute, les médias sociaux permettent aux jeunes hommes et femmes, déjà engagés dans les champs civils et politiques, de se structurer davantage, mais ils peuvent difficilement faire germer des vocations nouvelles envers la chose publique, notamment auprès de groupes auto-exclus de la sphère citoyenne comme les jeunes vulnérables, les jeunes femmes ou encore les populations rurales. L’originalité de l’étude tient en premier lieu à l’examen des « contenus participatifs », c’est-à-dire les divers types de contenus et de messages publiés par les usagers des plateformes jugées populaires auprès des jeunes. Ainsi, l’étude analyse savamment les dispositifs techniques ou technologiques, susceptibles d’accroître le succès et l’interactivité des plateformes web dirigées par et pour les jeunes, ainsi que les contenus qui y sont produits et relayés. Elle apporte des enseignements précieux dont la nécessaire agrégation de contenus et de ressources ciblant simultanément différentes tranches d’âges et d’usage, la nécessité de favoriser des sujets relatifs à la situation concrète des jeunes, et l’impératif d’alterner intelligemment des activités en ligne et des actions en présentiel (face-to-face). D’autres facteurs semblent susceptibles de rehausser l’attractivité et le dynamisme des plateformes, comme par exemple, la mise en avant de personnalités influentes et identifiables, la garantie de l’anonymat et de la sécurité des usagers ainsi que la lutte contre la censure, notamment dans les contextes de crise marqués par une réduction des libertés. Fait inattendu, l’étude relativise l’importance, sinon l’attrait, des dimensions graphiques et purement visuelles pour le succès et la pérennité des plateformes." (Préface, page 7)
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"The traditional financial models for news are dying. Could churches, environmental movements, and open source communities hold clues to its survival? We’re at a moment of profound transition and successive crisis for news. Our mission is to explore how membership models might help. A key takeaway
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from our research over the past 12 months is that membership models are fundamentally different from subscription or product models–and that they require whole new methods and mindsets to be successful. Membership isn’t just “subscription by another name” (though it’s often referenced that way), or about giving consumers access to a product. It’s participation in a larger cause that reflects what they want to see in civil society. In membership, there’s a different “social contract” or “value proposition” between the site and its members. At the basic level of: What do you give? What do you get? Subscribers pay their money and get access to a product. But members join the cause and participate because they believe in it." (Executive summary)
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