"The report reveals that for most respondents, Christianity is a concept that is foreign to Turkish culture. Whilst this situation is a consequence of the low numbers of Christians, it is also influenced by educational content and the media. Despite the rich history of Christianity in Turkey, the ex
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istence of numerous ancient Christian sites and centuries of living side by side, only a fraction of the public has a good level of knowledge about Christian history and practice. More creative and holistic inclusion of Christianity in formal education curricula and in the mass media can contribute to improved understanding and the public’s ability to recoup and value its lost heritage. More than half of the respondents state that neither the media nor the public is objective in its treatment of non-Muslims. It may be helpful to develop a deeper understanding of this reported partiality in future research. Questions also arise regarding the public’s significant over-estimation of the proportion of Christians in the general population and whether this is linked to fear or perceptions of bias." (Conclusion)
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"The present compilation was prepared in response to a proposal stemming from a thematic debate in the Council of Europe’s Committee of Ministers, in December 2012, on “freedom of religion and the situation of religious minorities”. The aim of the compilation is to provide a comprehensive over
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view of all the existing Council of Europe standards relating to the principles of freedom of thought, conscience and religion and the links to other rights contained in the European Convention on Human Rights as well as the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights interpreting these rights. The legal standards set by the European Convention on Human Rights are supplemented by other Council of Europe treaties. In addition to legal standards, there are also recommendations and guidelines adopted by other Council of Europe bodies. These documents are not legally binding, but do nevertheless form part of the Council of Europe compendium of standards." (Introduction, page 7)
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"Rezente Berichte über den Zustand von Religionsfreiheit und Pluralismus in Indonesien zeichnen häufig ein wenig schönes Bild. Gleichzeitig findet sich vielfach aber auch die Ansicht, Indonesien als ein Land zu sehen, das erfolgreich einen Demokratisierungsprozess in Gang setzen konnte und daher
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als Modell für einen demokratischen und moderaten Islam dienen kann – trotz all der damit verbundenen religiösen und gesellschaftlichen Probleme in Indonesien." (Abstract)
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"Overall, the evaluators found that the project’s approach was quite relevant in promoting religious freedom and preventing religious radicalization. The project targeted pesantrens affiliated to the traditional Islam Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), and at the same time, it empowered the mainstream moderate
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Islam that has been seen as ‘silent majority’. Subsequently, it provided a countermeasure against the ‘vocal minority’ extremists in the country. In this regard, a similar attempt could have been done among the modernist Islam Muhammadiyah educational institutions, which have older roots in Indonesian society. Radio programs have been attractively designed, especially for the young audience, and encouraged them to be agents of change among the Muslim community. The progressive Islamic study programs clearly provided theological basis for religious freedom and against religious violence. Meanwhile, the video documentary provided the students a reality check, a chance to deal with the real world’s cultural and religious diversity. Both activities were sufficient and complemented each other, in rising their critical awareness on the issues of tolerance and radicalization. The pesantren based radio broadcasting service has been seen as a spiritual oasis by its surrounding community, and facilitated them to digest the moderate Islamic knowledge. Otherwise, they would fulfill their spiritual hunger with another kind of religiousity which is radical and extremist in nature. However, not all of the radio stations pay equal attention to both targets: the young students and the community members. Due to some considerations, some pesantrens prefer to focus on serving the external beneficiaries (community), while ignoring the internal ones (young students). Some pesantrens
unexpectedly did the contrary. In this case, regular monitoring is necessary to ensure and remind stakeholders to meet their actual objectives." (Executive summary)
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"With this report we explore how different religious minorities in Iran use the internet to engage with their communities in Iran and around the world. To build a representative picture, we drew on diverse sources, piecing together historical accounts, content analysis, legal frameworks, and the voi
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ces of people within the communities themselves. This approach helped us to understand the communities from several perspectives - of religious minorities inside Iran, of community leaders, and of diaspora content producers." (Page 6)
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"Anti-blasphemy laws have endured criticism in light of the modern, secular and democratic state system of our time. For example, Ethiopia’s criminal law provisions on blasphemous utterances, as well as on outrage to religious peace and feeling, have been maintained unaltered since they were enact
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ed in 1957. However, the shift observed within the international human rights discourse tends to consider anti-blasphemy laws as goin g against freedom of expression. The recent Human Rights Committee General Comment No. 34 calls for a restrictive application of these laws for the full realisation of many of the rights within the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Secularism and human rights perspectives envisage legal protection to the believer and not the belief. Lessons can be drawn from the legal framework of defamation which considers injuries to the person rather than to institutions or to the impersonal sacred truth. It is argued that secular states can ‘promote reverence at the public level for private feelings’ through well-recognised laws of defamation and prohibition of hate speech rather than laws of blasphemy. This relocates the role of the state to its proper perspective in the context of its role in promoting interfaith dialogue, harmony and tolerance." (Abstract)
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"Zoroastrians are an ancient ethnic-religious community that goes back to the prophet Zarathustra. Today they number some 120,000 people, based in India/Pakistan and Iran; diaspora communities are settled in North America, the United Kingdom, Australia. On the Indian sub-continent, where Zoroastrian
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s are known as ‘Parsis’, communities are ageing quickly, due in particular to a low fertility rate and massive outmigration. Projections show there will be virtually no more Zoroastrians in Pakistan in a few decades, and figures in India may drop to 20,000 individuals by 2050. For such a scattered community, the Internet represents a unique platform to discuss community matters and bring together far-flung groups. Zoroastrians use the Web and other digital media to organize themselves and remain connected to their homeland. This e-diaspora not only highlights some traditional characteristics of Zoroastrian communities, it intertwines with the apparition of a new leadership. It also accelerates the emergence of a universal conception of what it is to be Zoroastrian, transforming the Zoroastrian socio-cultural and religious identity and reshaping past and present divisions." (Abstract)
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"In March 2010, in Geneva, the UN's Human Rights Council (HRC) voted by a narrow margin to accept a nonbinding Resolution on “Combating Defamation of Religions.” (Hereafter, “the Resolution.”) Resolutions like this one have been offered regularly at the HRC and in the General Assembly, have
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the support of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) and the Arab League, and have passed regularly over the last decade in all of these various fora. I think this widespread support is regrettable and I hope that this idea does not gain a serious foothold in international human rights law. In fact, the Resolution had less support in March 2010 than it had had in the past and, as this volume goes to press, it appears that the resolution's proponents have abandoned their efforts, at least for the foreseeable future. I am glad that this is so, and in this chapter I want to explain why. To do this, I will have first to say something about the considerations that I think favor laws against defamation in general; my aim is to make the best case for legal sanctions against defamation of religion in particular before recommending against such legal sanctions." (Introduczion)
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