"This report provides the first detailed account of the raid on the Tengdro monastery and its consequences, including multiple detentions and a suicide, that has appeared in any media within or outside China. It also provides analysis of what the case shows about conditions in Tibet today and assess
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es possible reasons for the unprecedentedly harsh sentences given to three of the four monks for minor online activities and communications that are commonplace among Tibetans. Human Rights Watch has not been able to find another case in which Tibetans were convicted of major offenses and sentenced to such long terms without any information emerging to explain the severity of the punishment." (Page 2)
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"This report analyzes the content of traditional media and social networks on religious freedom and violent extremism in Kazakhstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. At the same time, the study seeks to examine hate speech against certain religious groups and how pre-labeling affects those officially accu
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sed of extremism. For the most part, the policies and legal frameworks of the three Central Asian states focused on CVE (counteracting violent extremism) are structurally repressive and do not always protect religious freedom. State information resources are informative, poorly represented in the online environment and do not have a high level of citizen confidence due to their policies. The securitization and politicization of religion resulted in repressive state practices in respect to religious freedom, which is one of the driving factors in the radicalization of people. The need for alternative ways of expressing opinions and finding answers to religious questions has resulted in the emergence of alternative (parallel to the state information resources) media channels mainly on social media: YouTube, Facebook, Telegram, Odnoklassniki and online websites with a large number of young subscribers." (Abstract)
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"Rights related to freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) and gender equality are often seen to be in contradiction with one another. Underlying this (mis) perception of a normative clash between the two is very often an understanding of FoRB as a right that protects religion – and often conservativ
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e, patriarchal religion. For some, this means that FoRB is seen as an inherent obstacle to achieving gender equality; for others, gender equality is seen as a threat to the protection of religious values and practices. This antagonistic construction of the two human rights norms has consequences. A lack of attention to, or an unwillingness to engage with, the intersections between FoRB and gender equality may result in unnecessary clashes, unsatisfactory handling of factual conflicts, and lost opportunities for synergies, learning, and cooperation among actors engaged in the promotion of respectively FoRB and gender equality [...] Against this background, the present report should be read first and foremost as a basic introduction to the relationship between FoRB and gender equality, providing a snapshot of the examples, experiences and ideas discussed in the workshops and hopefully encouraging further research and analysis." (Introduction, page 6-7)
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"In this report, the authors examine and compare state implementation and enforcement of criminal laws prohibiting blasphemy (“blasphemy laws”) worldwide over the five-year period between January 2014 and December 2018. The criminal cases this study analyzes represent states’ enforcement of la
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ws that sanction the expression of opinions or actions deemed “blasphemous,” or counter to majority views or religious belief systems. Many such laws impose serious penalties, including prison, forced labor, or death, upon those convicted. Countries throughout the world have and continue to enforce criminal blasphemy laws, often justifying them as necessary to promote intergroup religious harmony. In some states, however, civilians enforce blasphemy prohibitions extrajudicially, committing acts of violence in the name of protecting God, religion, and “the sacred.” Analyzing the ways in which states and private, non-state actors enforce these laws may assist the public policy community in developing clear, tailored recommendations for areas of criminal legal reform, especially in states with vague laws, harsh penalties, and high levels of enforcement. An analysis of criminal blasphemy cases reported in the news and adjudicated in courts identifies the contexts in which blasphemy laws may increase the risk of human rights abuses, through state acts or omissions, indicating the places and ways in which targeted law reform could lower that risk." (Overview, page 5)
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"The most mentioned religious groups include Muslims (Sunnis and Shiites). This is logical given that Islam is the majority religion in the three monitored countries. There is also a fair amount of content mentioning Christians in each country as well as Shiites and Sunnis in both Lebanon and Iraq.
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The report provides a first analysis of the nature of the conversation, while understanding the limitation of this research in providing a comprehensive overview of the narrative. Also, sectarianism and components were among the most popular concepts mentioned, often in claims that there are attempts at minimizing sectarian strife and appeasing the diverse segments of the population. The minimal coverage of certain topics pertaining to law, gender, the environment, science, and technology in their relationship with religion reflects the interests of the region and its governments. Social and political turmoil are perceived as more crucial for survival and worthy of attention. Social and political topics are more present in the public debate. As for the general discourse and tone of the narrative, they were mostly neutral if not even positive at times. Though it’s important to note that whatever points the authors aimed to make, they were rarely ever explicit." (Some of the key findings, page 8-9)
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"Conservative Muslim groups have been very successful in Indonesia, the world’s most populous Muslim nation, in efforts to construct blasphemy as a serious threat to the Islamic community. These groups attempt to formalise Islam in state institutions in a way that rejects liberalism and pluralism;
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and the engagement of conservative Muslims in the enforcement of blasphemy law is on the rise. The actions of conservative Muslim groups in relation to blasphemy law should be understood as a reflection of how an increasingly Islamic Indonesian society is attempting to establish alliances with opportunist politicians. Conservative Muslim groups are fragmented and as such have no viable political vehicle that can represent and channel their interests. Conservative Muslims therefore seek to establish apparently informal and loose alliances with politicians that could help them to achieve their goal of formalising Islam in state institutions. Meanwhile, opportunist politicians regard articulating conservative Islamic narratives as a way of garnering greater support among voters. Blasphemy law has become politicised through these alliances. The alliances between politicians and religious groups manifest in two ways in relation to blasphemy law: * The politicisation of blasphemy cases. Many blasphemy accusations in Indonesia are made during electoral contests and create opportunities to merge the goals of religious groups and political elites. * Through efforts to maintain the blasphemy law. The narrative of protecting religion, public order and national unity have often been articulated by both conservative Muslim groups and politicians to legitimise the continued existence of the law." (Introduction)
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"While the first chapter looks at the existing constitutional and legal provisions for the exercise of freedom of religion and religious plurality, the other four chapters reflect upon some of the key sites of religious interface and syncretism that promote inter-religious understanding and pluralit
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y, analysis of the post-war context that has seen a marked increase in religiously motivated violence as well as existing opportunities and challenges for practice of religious freedom, examples of national and local level efforts and activities promoting religious plurality, and social media as a platform to engender religious plurality. We hope that the trained journalists will use this booklet as a guide in their new pursuits of improving the focus and coverage of religious freedom and religious plurality." (Introduction)
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"2018: Irakische Christen kehren in ihre Dörfer zurück, aus denen der „Islamische Staat“ sie vier Jahre vorher vertrieben hatte. Hundert Jahre zuvor hatten Christen in der Region schon einmal alles neu aufbauen müssen. Während des Ersten Weltkriegs waren in Anatolien Hunderttausende vertrieb
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en und ermordet worden. Was ist in den hundert Jahren seit dem Ende des Osmanischen Reichs passiert? Wie wirkte sich der Aufbau unabhängiger arabischer Staaten aus, wie die jüdische Einwanderung und die Gründung Israels? Welche Rolle spielt der Libanon als christlich geprägter Staat? Wie ging die laizistische Türkei mit Christen um? Welche Folgen hatte der Sturz Saddam Husseins für die irakischen Christen? Wie sehen Christen die Revolution in Ägypten, und welche Auswirkungen hat der Bürgerkrieg in Syrien für sie? Das Buch beschreibt den Weg der Christen im Nahen Osten zwischen Integration, gesellschaftlicher Teilhabe, Abgrenzung und Auswanderung sowie die Herausforderungen, vor denen sie heute stehen." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"This report shines light on the following trends:
- Blasphemy and apostasy laws are often overbroad and can be used to limit a variety of religious expression. These laws violate international human rights law and should be repealed.
- Hate speech laws are also generally overbroad and can be used t
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o limit a variety of religious expression. These laws should be re-drafted to comply with international standards.
- Laws restricting the media and free press are often used to prohibit hate speech on the basis of race, ethnicity, religion, and other factors, with the written intent to protect those individual identities; however, these laws are also often open to misuse for political purposes.
- Hate speech laws often lack independent oversight mechanisms and have inappropriate punishments.
- Hate speech laws often are not integrated into larger plans aimed at effectively reducing intolerance and hatred in society. Where speech is protected and therefore not able to be limited through legislation, states can use other strategies and tools to address problems of hate speech and discrimination against certain groups. Meaningful and inclusive partnership with civil society is key for governments to achieve these goals." (Executive summary)
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"Incidents of blasphemy and religious defamation occur around the world, often provoking angry, and sometimes violent reactions from religious adherents. However, laws prohibiting blasphemy and religious defamation are heavily criticised as being against freedom of speech, despite their effect on ra
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ce relations. This article highlights the position of blasphemy and religious defamation according to International Law, and presents counterarguments of the main objections to such laws. It also highlights the issue from the Islamic perspective, and offers an alternative approach to interpreting human rights. This article concludes by explaining the need for human rights and free speech to be interpreted according to common moral and religious values, and emphasising the purpose of human rights and free speech—which should be for the attainment of justice." (Abstract)
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"This chapter reviews the laws of apostasy and blasphemy in the Muslim world, by looking particularly at Pakistani and Malaysian cases. It strongly argues that the death penalty in the laws of apostasy and blasphemy is untenable in the modern period. The chapter demonstrates that these laws conflict
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with a variety of foundational teachings of Islam and with the current ethos of human rights, in particular the freedom to choose one's religion and the freedom to express oneself." (Abstract)
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"This volume explores how societies are addressing challenging questions about the relationship between expression, traditional and societal values, and the transformations introduced by new information communications technologies. It seeks to identify alternative approaches to the role of speech an
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d expression in the organization of societies as well as efforts to shape the broader global information society. How have different societies or communities drawn on the ideas of philosophers, religious leaders or politicians, both historical and contemporary, that addressed questions of speech, government, order or freedoms and applied them, with particular attention to applications in the digital age? The essays include a wide variety of cultural and geographic contexts to identify different modes of thinking. The goal is to both unpack the 'normative' internet and free expression debate and to deepen understanding about why certain internet policies and models are being pursued in very different local or national contexts as well as on a global level." (Publisher description)
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"This article develops the argument that blasphemy trials occupy a pivotal role in ‘religion-making’ in post-1998 Indonesia. Examining a blasphemy trial on the island of Lombok in 2010, I argue that the process of democratisation has given civilian actors more opportunity to engage Indonesia’s
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blasphemy law, a process analysed in terms of ‘lawfare’. Examining the interplay of legal regulation and the campaign against ‘deviant’ religion launched by conservative Muslim groups, the article tracks the affective consequences of this regulation, showing how the blasphemy law inspires civilians to investigate suspected cases of heresy. While blasphemy trials purportedly protect religion from insult and foster religious order, this article argues that religion lawfare breeds suspicion and divisions among citizens." (Abstract)
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"Over the years, Pakistan's notorious blasphemy laws have been a central instrument for the persecution of religious minorities. While these laws are colonial in origin, they exist today within the context of a general Islamisation of laws, which combined with the state's inability to hold a monopol
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y over violence have contributed to growing anarchy in the country. This paper traces the evolution of Pakistan's religious nationalism, presents debates around the blasphemy laws and their implementation, and considers the possibilities for reform." (Abstract)
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"In recent years, the Danish cartoons affair, the Charlie Hebdo murders and the terrorist attacks in Brussels and Paris have resulted in increasingly strident anti-Islamic speeches by politicians. This raises questions about the limits to freedom of expression and whether this freedom can and should
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be restricted to protect the religious feelings of believers. This book uses the case law of the European Court of Human Rights to provide a comprehensive analysis of the questions: whether legal prohibitions of religious hate speech violate the right to freedom of expression; and, whether such laws should be used to prosecute politicians and others who contribute to current debates when they use anti-Islam rhetoric. A well-known politician who uses such rhetoric is Dutch politician Geert Wilders. He has been prosecuted twice for hate speech, and was acquitted in the first case and recently convicted in the second. These prosecutions are used to illustrate the issues involved in drawing the line between freedom of expression and religious hate speech. The author argues that freedom of expression of politicians and those contributing to the public debate should not be restricted except in two very limited circumstances: when they incite to hatred or violence and there is an imminent danger that violence will follow or where it stops people from holding or manifesting their religion. Based on this, the author concludes that the European Court of Human Rights should decide, if it is asked to do so, that Wilders conviction for hate speech violates his freedom of expression." (Publisher description)
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