"Der Autor untersucht in dieser Studie die spezielle Dynamik der Theokratisierung von Staat und Recht – mit besonderem Schwerpunkt auf den in Pakistan geltenden Blasphemiegesetzen. Welchen Einfluss hatten die Blasphemiegesetze, die mir der staatlichen und politischen Bevorzugung einer einzigen Rel
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igion einhergehen, auf die pakistanische Gesellschaft? Der Überblick über die damit zusammenhängenden Menschenrechtsverletzungen wird mit der Schilderung von Einzelschicksalen ergänzt, die das Ausmaß des Versagens der Justiz und des Missbrauchs dieser Gesetze eindrucksvoll veranschaulichen. Neben einer logischen Analyse der Blasphemiegesetze untersucht der Autor die psychologische Verfassung bzw. die Denkmuster, die dem Status quo Vorschub leisten und sich gegen eine Änderung dieser Gesetze sperren. Dabei wird auch der Standpunkt der gebildeten Schichten unter den Muslimen erörtert. Auf der Basis empirischer Daten geht der Autor der Frage nach, warum die Provinz Punjab ein Brennpunkt des Missbrauchs der Blasphemiegesetze und des religiösen Fundamentalismus ist. Kapitel 1 widmet sich den weltweiten Entwicklungen und Ansätzen im Umgang mit der Frage der Diffamierung von Religionen. Kapitel 7 untersucht die umstrittenen Resolutionen zur ‚Diffamierung von Religionen‘, die zwischen 1999 und 2010 nicht weniger als zwölf Mal bei UN-Gremien zur Abstimmung kamen. Abschließend erläutert der Autor die von den einzelnen Regierungen ergriffenen Maßnahmen und den Versuch der Verabschiedung einer entsprechenden Gesetzesnovelle im pakistanischen Parlament. Davon ausgehend entwickelt der Autor praktische Vorschläge zum weiteren Vorgehen für die beteiligten Interessengruppen – die Zivilgesellschaft und die Regierung Pakistans sowie die internationale Gemeinschaft." (Zusammenfassung)
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"Pakistan’s blasphemy laws are criticised for being discriminatory against religious minorities and inconsistent with human rights standards. There have been attempts in the past to amend these laws. However, after protests by religious parties, each of these attempts failed. In 2011 the debate to
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amend the blasphemy laws resulted in the killings of governor Salman Taseer and the federal minister for minorities, Shahbaz Bhatti. Such incidents have shocked the international community and caused a major blow to the efforts of civil society in Pakistan lobbying for the repeal of these laws. After Pakistan’s ratification of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment in June 2010, there is indeed a need to reassess the gamut of human rights violations under the blasphemy laws. This article critically analyses the impact of blasphemy laws on the core human rights enshrined in these treaties, with a view to build a case for repeal of these discriminatory laws." (Abstract)
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"In March 2010, in Geneva, the UN's Human Rights Council (HRC) voted by a narrow margin to accept a nonbinding Resolution on “Combating Defamation of Religions.” (Hereafter, “the Resolution.”) Resolutions like this one have been offered regularly at the HRC and in the General Assembly, have
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the support of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) and the Arab League, and have passed regularly over the last decade in all of these various fora. I think this widespread support is regrettable and I hope that this idea does not gain a serious foothold in international human rights law. In fact, the Resolution had less support in March 2010 than it had had in the past and, as this volume goes to press, it appears that the resolution's proponents have abandoned their efforts, at least for the foreseeable future. I am glad that this is so, and in this chapter I want to explain why. To do this, I will have first to say something about the considerations that I think favor laws against defamation in general; my aim is to make the best case for legal sanctions against defamation of religion in particular before recommending against such legal sanctions." (Introduczion)
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"Today, extended geographical links are the most important yet far from the only factor that makes Central Eurasia highly significant for China's conceptualization of its security. The Soviet Union's disintegration, which created newly independent states, also generated favorable conditions for Chin
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a's progress toward the superpower status. At the same time, Central Eurasia, or rather the advent of anarchy across its political space and the rising ethnoterritorial problems which might well affect China's northwestern regions, called for fresh approaches to the area. By the same token, its geopolitical importance for China's relations with its main rivals at the supra-regional level was exacerbated created newly independent states, also generated favorable conditions for China's progress toward the superpower status. At the same time, Central Eurasia, or rather the advent of anarchy across its political space and the rising ethnoterritorial problems which might well affect China's northwestern regions, called for fresh approaches to the area. By the same token, its geopolitical importance for China's relations with its main rivals at the supra-regional level was exacerbated: In these conditions, China should become more actively involved in the Central Eurasian space freed from Soviet domination, which means that it should join the current rivalry for geopolitical control over the vast area. In this article I want to look at the security interests which form the cornerstone of Chinese policy in Central Eurasia, identify the geopolitical importance of this area for China, and trace the tactical specifics of China's regional policies." (Introduction)
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"This article, inter alia, attempts to analyze and focus on the historical, formalistic, and design aspects of Pakistan’s existing blasphemy laws from a comparative perspective. It argues that, quite apart from procedural inadequacies of the Pakistani legal system and its special socio-political c
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ircumstances, the very form and design of the blasphemy laws invite abuse.2 Findings demonstrate that textual lacunae in the law enable its use as an instrument of misuse, hence leading to the argument that the abusive potential of the law exists even independently of social context. When the blasphemy laws are contextualized within the atmosphere of increasing religious intolerance pervading certain sections of the social fabric in Pakistan, however, their subversive potential is revealed in its entirety. In effect, the blasphemy laws, in their current form, are an instance of legislation inherently open to abuse, operating in an environment that is at times unfortunately conducive to that abuse. This has also resulted in their emergence as a potent tool for the victimization of religious minorities and relegation of these minorities, in many instances, to the status of fearful pariahs subject to legally mandated persecution. The existence of blasphemy laws can be argued for in a society and under a constitutional framework that attaches a premium to the underlying sacred values that such laws may be promulgated to protect. This article, however, argues that the laws, in their current form, have caused, and continue to cause, several miscarriages of justice and are a stimulus for strengthening the negative and highly divisive forces of obscurantism, intolerance, and fanaticism in Pakistani society." (Introduction, pages 305-306)
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