"This qualitative study of influences on a purposive sample of Afghan journalists was carried out in the year after the US military mission was declared over. After more than a hundred million dollars of Western government funding had been invested in development of liberal democratic journalism, th
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e study found the paradox of news media ‘capture’. We conceptualize this phenomenon further into political, bureaucratic, foreign-donor, and violent-actor capture. The study concludes that in countries with heavy foreign intervention, where imported journalism values are layered upon previous and continued institutional arrangements and where violence and instability continue unabated, news media work is prone to ‘capture’ by a variety of actors outside media organizations. We suggest that future research could refine a typology with six distinct forms of capture – economic, political, cultural, legal, bureaucratic, and societal." (Abstract)
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"This European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) contribution to the second Annual Colloquium on Fundamental Rights provides a snapshot of manifestations of incitement in media content and political discourse against different groups in EU member states. It outlines the European and internat
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ional legal framework governing such cases, substantiated by relevant case law examples. Highlighting that members of minority groups perceive the prevailing social climate as condoning racism, xenophobia and intolerance, this FRA paper underlines the need for EU institutions and Member States to address the effect incitement can have on the population groups it targets." (Page 1)
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"This article argues that when it comes to reporting conflicts in the developing world the western press ignores the private sphere of economic activity because it privileges a narrative of people fighting over the nation state, as well as political ideologies and territory gained and lost. This cho
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ice of media framing matters in how western audiences understand the complexity of resource wars. To explore this concept further I examine American and British press coverage of conflict diamonds in the civil wars fought in Angola, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Sierra Leone in the pages of four western newspapers of record: The Guardian (UK), The Times (UK), the New York Times (US) and the Washington Post (US). Overall, while conflict diamonds were present in the reporting, the press ignored the full extent of involvement of private companies and international capital in the financing and trading of diamonds to fuel war." (Abstract)
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"This policy briefing examines the prospects for media being able to play that role, especially in fragile states. It concludes that the evidence supporting the effectiveness of media as an accountability actor continues to mount even when the performance of other anti-corruption measures are called
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into question. It looks at the increasing pressures facing independent media in fragile states, especially those of political co-option and a reduction in media freedom. It suggests that these pressures are intensifying precisely because media is so effective at holding power to account and exposing corruption. It argues that independent media need more attention from international development actors not only financially but also through their strategic focus and influence they can bring to bear to supporting media freedom. Without it, such media are likely to struggle to survive and corruption can be expected to increase." (BBC Media Action website)
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"This paper explores how Egyptian, Kenyan, Serbian and South African civil society organisations (CSOs) use communication and relationships with media to engage in democratic contestation. Individual interviews were conducted with 91 CSO members who participated in the various democratisation confli
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cts listed in MeCoDEM’s research design [...] The study found that key sources of conflict identified by the interviewees included group identity (e.g. religious and ethnic identity) and contestations around notions of citizenship. Interviewees also identified the distribution and control of power was another key source of conflict - Egyptian, Serbian and South African activists all placed significant importance on networked civil society. Thus, communications among members and with the outside world was key to redistributing power. However, Kenya’s CSOs saw their power as stemming from the ability to build healthy relationships between different groups of people, and so the primary communication activities centred on citizen education. Egyptian, Kenyan and Serbian activists viewed regular elections as a key marker of democracy, and the media was correct to focus on such issues. But South African activists suggested that the media focussed too much attention on elections, and not enough given to local participatory mechanisms of listening to citizens." (Executive summary)
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"This article presents a general framework for deconstructing and classifying conflict news narratives. This framework, based on a nuanced and contextual approach to analyzing media representations of conflict actors and events, addresses some of the weaknesses of existing classification schemes, fo
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cusing in particular on the dualistic approach of the peace journalism model. Using quantitative content analysis, the proposed framework is then applied to the journalistic coverage in the Israeli media of three Middle-Eastern conflicts: the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, the conflict surrounding Iran’s nuclear program, and the Syrian civil war. The coverage is examined in three leading news outlets – Haaretz, Israel Hayom, and Ynet – over a six-month period. Based on hierarchical cluster analysis, the article identifies four characteristic types of narratives in the examined coverage. These include two journalistic narratives of violence: one inward-looking, ethnocentric narrative, and one outward-looking narrative focusing on outgroup actors and victims; and two political-diplomatic narratives: one interactional, and one outward-looking. In addition to highlighting different constellations of points of view and conflict measures in news stories, the identified clusters also challenge several assumptions underlying existing models, such as the postulated alignment between elite/official actors and violence frames." (Abstract)
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"The UN Plan of Action on the Safety of Journalists and the Issue of Impunity is a systematic UN-wide plan to work toward a free and safe environment for journalists and media workers, including social media producers of public interest journalism, with a view to strengthen peace, democracy, and dev
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elopment worldwide. It covers both conflict and non-conflict situations. Spearheaded by the Intergovernmental Council of UNESCO’s International Programme for the Development of Communication (IPDC) and endorsed in 2012 by the UN Chief Executives Board, the highest level coordinator mechanisms of the UN system, the UN Plan provides an overarching framework for co-operation between all relevant stakeholders, including UN bodies, national authorities, media actors, and national, regional, and international organizations. Given the length and breadth of the challenges, no actor is able to resolve them singlehandedly. Combined efforts are needed to create a safe and enabling environment for journalists both online and offline, and also to combat impunity for crimes against them. The UN Plan and Implementation Strategy propose principles for cooperation and possible practical actions. Great strides have been made in an unprecedented flurry of resolutions of different UN bodies. This momentum needs to be maintained. Similarly, at country level, the UN Plan encourages the setting up of mechanisms for the prevention and punishment of attacks on journalists, and for their protection in the face of threats." (Page 3)
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"The current study explores the influence of communication variables on human rights protection. The effects of international and domestic mass communication and digital media were assessed among global social, economic, and political factors. The statistical analyses on a sample of 101 nation state
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s over the most recent decade reveal several important findings: (a) top-down, internationally initiated human rights discourse and monitoring were not as effective as bottom-up, domestically initiated human rights dialogues; (b) access to the Internet and access to a mobile phone have different effects on human rights performance, and Internet availability played an especially important role; (c) economic development, political system, and population size are powerful predictors of nations' human rights performance, but a large population size diminishes the effect of economic development; and (d) economic development can moderate the effect of political context on human rights performance. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed." (Abstract)
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"(1) How do Chinese journalists perceive their roles and practices in conflict zones outside China? (2) How do they cover armed conflicts overseas? (3) Who are the actors, and how do they influence Chinese war correspondence? (4) Do the Chinese news media practice peace or war journalism? To answer
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these questions, a new cascading media and confl ict framework has been proposed and applied to study contemporary war correspondents. Within this new framework, the following six levels have been addressed from a Chinese perspective: 1. Chinese correspondents’ perception of roles, 2. Chinese-style pragmatic objectivity, 3. Foreign policy and media relations in China, 4. News audience, 5. News practices in war reporting, 6. News framing and peace/war journalism." (Conclusion)
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"The Council of Europe Seminar, Combating Sexist Hate Speech, brought together a group of around 60 participants, including human rights and women’s rights activists, youth leaders, journalists and policy makers to challenge sexist hate speech, its causes, forms and consequences, and to propose so
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lutions to counter it [...] A wide range of proposals for actions by different stakeholders were made during the Seminar, highlighting the fact that sexist hate speech is an issue that should be addressed not only by the different sectors of the Council of Europe, but also by national governments, the media and civil society organisations. Specific activities were proposed, such as the creation of a logo and online stickers, the use of videos, the promotion of strategic litigation and the organisation of feminist camps for young women. Specific recommendations were also made regarding the role of the media sector, including platform providers and the need for codes of ethics to ensure more effective moderation in social media; and active gender equality policies regarding media content but also in the media sector. A set of necessary policy actions to address sexist hate speech were also identified, including clarifying concepts and definitions, eliminating gaps in legislation, especially related to combating violence against women, eliminating sexism from the language and practice of all institutions, promoting gender equality and media literacy training, and promoting the integration of a gender equality perspective in all aspects of education." (Summary, page 5-7)
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"This paper seeks to provide some initial guidance as to what Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) is and what it means for the media development sector, its donors and other organizations that work with media developers. The paper also discusses challenges and implications of VE and CVE for media dev
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elopment and how media development work is relevant to CVE and CVE efforts." (Introduction)
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"During political system change and for coming to terms with conflicts, media are the most important mediators. They should help with making the past more transparent, in order to support the transition to democracy. Experts of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation and the international “Article 10 ECHR
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Task Force” met in Tirana in October 2015 and made the following ten recommendations." (Page 1)
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"This book explores the complex organisational issues surrounding the capture or kidnapping of journalists in areas of conflict and risk. It explores how journalists 'becoming news' is covered and the implications of that coverage, how news organisations prepare for and respond to such events, and h
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ow kidnapping and ransom insurers, victim recovery firms, journalists' families, and governments influence the actions of news enterprises. It considers how and why journalists are kidnapped, how employers and journalists' organisations respond to kidnappings and why freelancers are particularly at risk as well as suggesting best practices for preventing and responding to kidnappings." (Back cover)
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"Part I focuses on 'Counter-Narratives', looking at the evidence relating to strategic policy communication strategies and counter-propaganda techniques. This reflects literature from policymakers, think-tanks, and civil society initiatives rather than the academic literature base. Current literatur
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e and policy concerned with countering propaganda is dominated by the language of ‘counter-narratives’ but a common understanding of this relatively new lexicon has yet to emerge. There is little hard evidence that proves interaction with VE content leads to participation in VE activities [...] Part II looks at “Alternative Approaches” to the use of the media to counter violent extremism, drawing on insights from the “media development” and “media assistance” sectors, and research into whether mass media and new communication interventions can inhibit identity-based violence in certain crisis situations. The theoretical foundations for these alternative approaches are supported by a stronger and more established research base, drawn from the multi-disciplinary fields of development, peace building, and social cohesion. Media projects have less impact if seen to be linked to a political agenda. A growing evidence base suggests that radio and television drama addressing issues of identity, reconciliation and tolerance have a positive an impact on public attitudes and behaviour. Media assistance can ensure that local and domestic media can respond appropriately to VE narratives." (Executive summary)
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"The primary objective of the 2015 NIMP Mission was to provide technical inputs to activities underway under UNESCO’s Safety of Journalists project, particularly in terms of setting up an independent national mechanism on safety at the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC). Another key objective
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was to advocate in favour of international best practices on press freedom, freedom of expression (FOE) and the right to information (RTI). Unlike previous missions, where advocacy had been the main objective, the 2015 Mission focused on three areas: The architecture of the NHRC mechanism, including a review of the procedures, by-laws, structure and organisation for making it an effective tool for ensuring safety of journalists and free expression advocates; Advocating in favour of respect for international standards on free expression and the safety of journalists, including via enabling provisions on free expression in the new constitution; Activities relating to the UNESCO safety project where there was need for international technical support." (IMS website)
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"The aim of the present book is to provide both empirical and theoretical input to the discussions of the role of journalism and media in conflict and post-conflict situations and in the often rather muddy waters between them. Together, the contributions to this book from different parts of the worl
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d emphasise that discussions about post-conflict situations will gain from including the media. At the same time, the contributions problematise the concept of post-conflict and powerfully illustrate that the phase between war/conflict and peace is neither unidirectional nor linear, as the use of the concept sometimes seems to imply. Reaching a peace agreement or arranging for the termination of hostilities is, in itself, no guarantee that peace can be secured. The examples from Afghanistan, Colombia and South Sudan in this book show this up clearly. Remaining post-conflict societal friction may even be as threatening to long-lasting peace as the war itself. Hence, post-conflict may be seen as a “conflict situation in which open warfare has come to an end. However, such situations remain tense for years or decades and can easily relapse into large-scale violence” (Junne and Verkoren 2005)." (Introduction, pages 16-17)
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