"After the Syrian uprising morphed into an armed struggle, the Syrian government increasingly lost control over vast areas of territory. With the loss of State control, its imposed rule on media faded, enabling media to flourish in those areas. In territories it still controlled, its grip became eve
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n tighter consequently forcing many reporters out. By the end of 2013, media workers began to flee their new acquired space, too, after the extremist group called ISIS - “the Islamic State” - showed its might and other military groups also deprived media from the freedom it desired. In addition to the Syrian government-emptied territories, this dire situation in the opposition areas led to the migration of Syrian media to other countries, mainly to neighboring Turkey, Jordan and Lebanon. Like other refugees, journalists had to start a new life there. They found themselves in different sets of circumstances than they had experienced at home, especially in terms of regulations and living and working conditions, and they faced threats coming both from inside and outside their host country. RSF tried to dig deeper in the situation of exiled Syrian journalists and shed more light on the humanitarian, living and working conditions of media workers, exiled in their new shelter-countries, and on the dark side of Syrian journalists’ lives when reporting on their fellow citizens’ living conditions. RSF interviewed a total of 24 journalists in Turkey, Jordan and Lebanon. Their names are not mentioned. Most of them asked to remain anonymous, fearing retaliation against themselves or their family members still in Syria. The source of fear was the Assad regime, ISIS, other groups in Syria, the authorities of their host country as well as the media organization where they used to work or are still working." (Page 3)
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"This report describes how media development practitioners perceive the expansion of the Countering Violent Extremism (CVE) agenda’s influence into various aspects of their field, and the different and sometimes ambivalent ways in which they respond to these perceptions. Two conclusions emerge str
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ongly from these interviews. The first is that the efforts to distance CVE conceptually from media development are not providing the guidance needed to navigate an increasingly blurry line between the two fields in practice. The second is that audience reception studies and investments in media information literacy are needed, yet receive inadequate attention in CVE efforts and funding." (Conclusion)
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"La finalidad de este texto es que pueda servir para tener un protocolo rápido de acción para los casos que se describen, para la protección de los profesionales de la comunicación. Sin embargo, es necesario subrayar la importancia de contactar a una organización de derechos humanos ante cualqu
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iera de estos casos. Espacio Público está a la disposición para ampliar cualquier información aquí descrita y comprometido a acompañar casos de este tipo que puedan presentarse. Esta Guía Práctica de Protección para Periodistas contiene herramientas para: Seguridad Digital; Protección Personal; Procedimientos legales para víctimas; Cobertura de manifestaciones; Atención a periodistas." (Introducción, página 7)
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"The world wars, genocides and extremist ideologies of the 20th century are remembered very differently across Central, Eastern and Southeastern Europe, resulting sometimes in fierce memory disputes. This book investigates the complexity and contention of the layers of memory of the troubled 20th ce
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ntury in the region. Written by an international group of scholars from a diversity of disciplines, the chapters approach memory disputes in methodologically innovative ways, studying representations and negotiations of disputed pasts in different media, including monuments, museum exhibitions, individual and political discourse and electronic social media. Analyzing memory disputes in various local, national and transnational contexts, the chapters demonstrate the political power and social impact of painful and disputed memories." (Publisher description)
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"Counter speech is a way of responding to hateful messages. If left unchallenged, the peddling of myths, lies, and the use of hateful rhetoric and abuse can lead to more harm being done - especially when individuals are targeted without knowing there is support out there and ‘haters’ gain more c
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onfidence about expressing their views both on and off-line." (http://www.stoppinghate.getthetrollsout.org)
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"Das Thema Medien und Krieg wird in diesem Buch aus einer vierfachen Perspektive heraus behandelt. Es geht zum einen um die Frage nach der Berichterstattung über Kriege, zum zweiten um die Rolle von Medien im Krieg, drittens geht es darum, welche strukturellen Bedingungen von Krieg und Gesellschaft
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die Inhalte der Medien wie prägen und viertens um eine friedensstiftende Sicht auf diese Zusammenhänge. Das Fazit: Definitorisch gibt es kaum noch einen Unterschied zwischen medialer Kommunikation und Krieg." (Publisher description)
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"Robust monitoring, evaluation, reporting, and learning (MERL) are critical components of successful programming. The MERL components enable program stakeholders to monitor progress and evaluate the achievement of expected results. Reporting processes and timelines should be clearly defined and tail
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ored to meet the needs of key audiences and stakeholders, and provision should be made for the program to continually reflect and learn from experiences gained during implementation. Measuring the success of peacebuilding programs poses specific challenges that are unique to this program area. This module was developed to guide PEACE III local program partners—peacebuilding practitioners—through the development and implementation of effective and practical MERL systems for their projects. This five-year cross-border peacebuilding program is implemented by Pact in partnership with Mercy Corps and a range of local partners with activities in Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan, and Uganda. PEACE III aims to strengthen cross-border conflict management in the Horn of Africa and is pursuing two related objectives: 1) to strengthen local cross-border conflict management and 2) to improve the responsiveness of regional and national institutions to cross-border conflict. This manual was created to support and provide examples to peacebuilding practitioners and is an addition to Pact’s existing MERL Modules. Other useful examples of MERL training manuals for peacebuilding programs exist. This module does not seek to replicate those manuals, but rather draws on them and integrates their expertise here. Parts of this manual were also drawn from Pact’s MERL Modules but customized with practices and examples relevant for peacebuilding programs. It is the authors’ hope that this module can serve as an introduction to MERL for peacebuilding practitioners and can point them to other relevant resources in the field. Each begins with an outline of the learning objectives, includes learning activities throughout the chapters, and ends with a summary of key points and learning." (Introduction)
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"Examines the statistics and looks at the trends in journalist killings and intimidation around the world. It identifies what factors have led to this rise and positions these in historical and global contexts. This important study also provides case studies and first-hand accounts from journalists
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working in some of the most dangerous places in the world today and seeks to understand the different pressures they must confront. It also examines industry and political responses to these trends and pressures as well as the latest international initiatives aimed at challenging cultures of impunity and keeping journalists safe. Throughout, the authors argue that journalism contributes a vital if often neglected role in the formation and conduct of civil societies. This is why reporting from ‘uncivil’ places matters and this is why journalists are often positioned in harm’s way." (Back cover)
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"Social media networks are rapidly rewriting the traditional principles and protocols of war and conflict reporting. This paper endorses the argument that with the help of new media technologies, journalists can enhance the peacebuilding efforts in societies and communities. Their writings in the al
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ternate media can provide ‘compelling form of engage-ment’ between the audiences and the people affected in the areas of violent conflict. But, the paper further argues, this requires a broadening of the orthodox model of journalistic objectivity that has so far been in place. It examines the possibilities of new models in the light of the existing journalism paradigms as argued by scholars including Galtung and Ruge (1965), Lynch and McGoldrick (2005), Shinar (2007), Hackett (2011) and Shaw (2011). It concludes on the need to have a model that is ‘a more natural fit’ for the 21st century by giving journalists the ‘flexibility’ to enable people to make their own judgments as to where the truth lies; and to open up the possibilities for dialogue and engagement in conflict resolution." (Abstract)
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"Als Russland die Krim annektierte und den Krieg in der Ostukraine führte, setzte es gleichzeitig eine Propagandakampagne in Gang. Zur Bekämpfung von Desinformation und Falschmeldungen gründeten Dozenten und Studenten der Mohyla-Journalistenschule in Kiew im März 2014 das Informationsportal Stop
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.Fake. Über 1000 Fälle von Manipulation und Lüge aus russischen Quellen hat Stop.Fake aufgedeckt. Etwa 130 000 Leserinnen und Leser besuchen täglich das Portal, das unterdessen nicht mehr nur Fakes entlarvt, sondern für Qualitätsjournalismus steht. Es sieht seine Perspektive darin, das Spannungsfeld von Politik, Propaganda und Publizistik zu erforschen." (Abstract)
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"This project aims to address a clear practical and methodological gap that exists in current efforts to tackle hate speech and its effects on communities in conflict zones—namely, how do we identify and contextualize the particular kind of language that’s likely to cause violence? Rather than a
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ssessing the existence or prevalence of hate speech language, this project instead examines terms and their use in a particular country context. To successfully monitor and counter hate speech, we must first identify specific terms and the social and political context that makes them offensive, inflammatory, or even potentially dangerous. Therefore, PeaceTech Lab has produced this lexicon of terms used online during a particular period of South Sudanese conflict that began in December 2013 in order to analyze how they contributed to the conflict. This initiative also seeks to identify alternative language that would mitigate or counter the impact of this speech on the conflict and thereby help build peace in the country. Finally, this resource intends to inform other individuals and organizations involved in monitoring and countering hate speech in South Sudan—and potentially elsewhere—so that their work can be more effective." (Introduction)
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"As it seeks to win the hearts and minds of citizens in the Muslim world, the United States has poured millions of dollars into local television and radio programming, hoping to generate pro-American currents on Middle Eastern airwaves. However, as this fascinating new book shows, the Middle Eastern
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media producers who rely on these funds are hardly puppets on an American string, but instead contribute their own political and creative agendas while working within U.S. restrictions. The Other Air Force gives readers a unique inside look at television and radio production in Afghanistan and the Palestinian territories, from the isolated villages of the Afghan Panjshir Valley to the congested streets of Ramallah. Communications scholar Matt Sienkiewicz explores how the U.S. takes a “soft-psy” approach to its media efforts combining “soft” methods of encouraging entertainment programming, such as adaptations of The Voice and The Apprentice with more militaristic “psy-ops” approaches to information control. Drawing from years of field research and interviews with everyone from millionaire executives to underpaid but ever resourceful cameramen, Sienkiewicz considers the perspectives of the Afghan and Palestinian media workers trying to forge viable broadcasting businesses without straying outside American-set boundaries for acceptable content." (Publisher description)
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"Llegan ondas de Paz" es una estrategia comunicativa que tiene como objetivos y actividades Ios siguientes objetivos: Generar una cultura de convivencia, participación y reconciliación a través de la capacidad de estar informados sobre los Acuerdos de Paz que se adelantan en el país, por medio d
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e una Estrategia Comunicativa - efectiva de información sobre los avances del proceso de Paz en el departamento del Putumayo, a través de Radio Waira. Objetivo de las actividades: 1. Apoyar a la Organización Zonal Indígena del Putumayo (OZIP) y a Radio Waira en capacitación, producción y difusión comunitaria, sobre los Acuerdos de Paz, con lenguaje y contenido propio de las comunidades indígenas del Putumayo. 2. Promover el liderazgo de la Organización Zonal Indígena del Putumayo (OZIP) y a Radio Waira como un canal de información sobre los Acuerdos de Paz durante las fases de preparación e implementación. 3. Aumentar la participación de las comunidades indígenas del Putumayo durante las fases de preparación e implementación de los Acuerdos de Paz." (Página 9)
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"Voces al Aire es una guía didáctica básica para la realización de programas radiales desde las comunidades. Se trata de una herramienta orientadora que permitirá iniciar el trabajo periodístico para narrar las iniciativas de paz que surgen en los territorios. Así mismo, se encontrará una se
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rie de recomendaciones prácticas que asegurarán lograr una producción radial atractiva para el público." (Presentación)
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"Since 2010, Facebook has become a battleground between competing political camps in Thailand. Facebook groups like the Social Sanction group, tellingly abbreviated as SS, and the Rubbish Collector Organization, which was founded in 2014 and has attracted more than 200,000 members, have played a cru
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cial role in the process of political radicalization. The aim of these groups is to expose political opponents by accusing them of lèse-majesté, which can result in a prison sentence of 15 years or more. The groups also serve as fora for hate speech and are increasingly used as a tool of mobilization for state-sponsored mass events by the authoritarian regime that came to power with the coup d’état of May 2014. Contrary to its popular perception as a tool for democratization, Facebook has been successfully used by political groups reminiscent of fascist vigilante groups. This paper analyses the genesis of these groups and discusses the phenomenon in a broader political and historical context." (Abstract)
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"Arriving at a collective memory of the past is one of the greatest challenges facing a post-conflict society because it implies reaching a degree of consensus in a polarized context. While truth commissions attempt to present an objective account of the events of a society’s repressive or violent
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past, they inevitably contend with multiple perspectives and interpretations of this history. In essence, truth commissions and other transitional justice mechanisms must mediate this confl ict to bring society to a shared version of this past, which arguably entails a society-wide admission that egregious human rights violations occurred and that victims must be acknowledged. However, for this end to result, transitional justice eff orts rely on the media to encourage consensus making about the past—a daunting but crucial undertaking if society is to escape sliding back into conflict. Ultimately, the media has the potential to bridge the gap between yesterday’s enemies by replacing fearmongering with a focus on empathy, by illustrating how much people have in common and championing victims’ rights to truth and justice. Especially in contexts where the media played a destructive role in the process of the dehumanization of “the other”, which usually laid the groundwork for massive human rights violations, it is precisely in this arena where the shift from denial to acknowledgement must happen. In addition to amplifying messages of acknowledgement coming from transitional justice processes, the media can produce and commission content which will feature voices of victims to humanize them again, and demonstrate that empathy for the other is not an act of betrayal of national or ethnic interests, as wartime ideologies almost always teach." (Conclusion, page 17-18)
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