"This article shows how results were merged from a study conducted in four countries-Australia, the Philippines, South Africa and Mexico-in which differently versioned television news stories about conflict were played to audiences, and their responses gathered through a mix of methods, to yield bot
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h quantitative and qualitative results. These versions were coded according to the Peace Journalism model, a set of distinctions in the representation of conflict, originally conceived by Johan Galtung. A Peace Journalism bulletin and a War Journalism bulletin were produced in each country. Viewer responses-both emotional and cognitive-showed significant differences, depending on which version they watched. This article compares selected stories in each country, which had the strongest measured effects in the original study, and identifies common thematic elements. The most significant of these is that, in the Peace Journalism version of each of the selected stories bar one, viewers were provided with the personal narrative of a carefully chosen individual protagonist, which prompted both their empathy and, through that, their cognitive engagement with counter-hegemonic arguments in favour of non-violent conflict responses." (Abstract)
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"Currently, no dedicated agency or systematic effort analyzes the effect of Russian (or any other) disinformation. Who really watches Russia Today? Where? For how long? And why? Nor do we have the means to systematically track the content: How does the Kremlin’s message in Germany differ from the
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line in Sweden or Poland? Our case studies, combined with an ongoing effort at CEPA to identify and monitor Russian propaganda in parts of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) show the variety of Russia’s means and messaging. But the lack of a coherent picture constrains our ability to respond in both quantitative and qualitative terms. We recommend: Regular, targeted analysis of the reach and impact of Russian propaganda; Greater analysis of the CEE media environment to detect disinformation campaigns and understand what sources shape public awareness; and Monitoring of social media, identifying trends and personalities that are popular among polarized social groups and who could be engaged to build trust." (Page II)
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"The enormous collection of user-generated content (UGC) in the form of YouTube videos from the Syrian war provides an unprecedented and diverse collection of shared digital memories of conflict and violence. The central question of this article asks what the value is of UGC on YouTube for legal evi
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dence of war crimes and future Transitional Justice. It is beyond doubt that the surge of uploaded videos from the Syrian uprisings revolutionized the way in which contemporary wars are observed and documented. The sheer amount of user-generated content online has given rise to manifold ways of interpreting what is happening on the ground, inspired creative resistance, led to a surge of professional and independent Syrian documentary films and increased the connectivity between those who undergo the war inside the conflict zone and those who are observing the situation from a safe distance. Many YouTube clips from Syria are likely to be rejected as stand-alone legal evidence though, as it often lacks sourced information about meta-data, date, time, geographical coordinates, identity of the participants, the identity of the perpetrator, and other contextual information crucial to establishing judicial facts for war crimes prosecution. The everexpanding body of videos from Syria will give rise to a wide and varied landscape of interactive media that has surpassed the old approach of political mainstream media to inform and possibly manipulate their audiences for their own agendas, whatever those may be. As a platform of digital memory and space to express moral outrage, YouTube served a crucial and important role in the Syrian crisis and the UGC is of immense value for digital memorialisation and historicization of the Syrian crisis. The vast amount of UGC on YouTube was categorized in 8 different types of footage and we can conclude that only small number of videoclips on YouTube can in fact function as crime-based evidence for war crimes. This does not mean that the UGC on YouTube has no value, however as a legal evidence it can be problematic to use YouTube videos if not corroborated and verified properly. The main issue is the lack of meta-data in many of the UGC on YouTube. The YouTube video revolution in Syria did bring to the surface many brave video activists who are now professionally involved in producing high quality footage for international news broadcasters, the most recent example of that is the important work of Waad al Kataeb inside eastern Aleppo with the British Broadcaster Channel Four News (Channel 4 2016). Through a series of edited 5-6 minute mini stories from the ground, Al Kataeb’s work provides a credible and important source of evidence." (Conclusion, page 22-23)
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"Project locations experienced general improvement with regards to social cohesion and conflict resolution. This was particularly the case in Wau, where results were encouraging. In contrast, Bor continued to feature more negative results than other project locations, although the county saw importa
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nt improvements since the undertaking of the baseline study in January 2015. This suggests a general positive impact of project activities. Indeed, project activities were at large seen as effective in fostering peacebuilding among local communities. Respondents held particularly positive views about the role of [the radio talkshow] Hiwar al Shabab in the promotion of peacebuilding. In contrast, the sustainability of the trainings and theatre performances, and divergent expectations and miscommunication within the UNICEF-SFCG partnership were highlighted as the weak links in the implementation of the programme. Despite this, research participants underscored the potential for media as a useful tool for peacebuilding." (Page 2)
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"Long-time peace journalist Steven Youngblood presents the foundations of peace journalism in this exciting new textbook, offering readers the methods, approaches, and concepts required to use journalism as a tool for peace, reconciliation, and development. Guidance is offered on framing stories, et
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hical treatment of sensitive subjects, and avoiding polarizing stereotypes through a range of international examples and case studies spanning from the Iraq war to the recent unrest in Ferguson, Missouri. Youngblood teaches students to interrogate traditional media narratives about crime, race, politics, immigration, and civil unrest, and to illustrate where-and how-a peace journalism approach can lead to more responsible and constructive coverage, and even assist in the peace process itself." (Publisher description)
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"Few aspects of Liberian society have suffered more under UNMIL than the media, which is critical for any young democracy but all the more so for one emerging from civil war. The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), the U.N. mission itself, and other donors have spent more than $10 mil
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lion since 2003 to develop a robust independent media market capable of holding Liberia’s leaders accountable — only to watch UNMIL turn around and build a media behemoth that monopolized the country’s talent, resources, and audience, making it impossible for smaller outlets to compete. UNMIL Radio, the U.N. mission’s flagship media outfit, has a budget of $1.4 million this year — more than the annual revenue of the country’s commercial media combined. We are not aware of a media market in any other democratic country where one player so dominates all others in terms of revenue and resources. And there’s a massive misrepresentation at the heart of UNMIL Radio’s presence in Liberia. Although it now masquerades as an independent media outlet, operating in the same radio space as other news providers and delivering a product that looks like that of other news providers, the U.N. shows little interest or aptitude for the hard, dirty work of independent journalism. It claims to set a standard for journalism in the country but then fails to deliver on the industry’s most important responsibility — holding leaders, not just Liberia’s but the U.N.’s own, to account." (Introduction)
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"In exploring the dynamics and narratives of peace in journalism, this book explains the media's impact on the transformation of the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians. It discusses the perspectives of peace activists who have been involved in grassroots action since the first Intifada, and
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examines how their relation with the mainstream media has evolved over time. It compares these views with those of professional journalists who have been covering the conflict, and their sense of the difficulties inherent in practicing a different kind of journalism. The interviews included in this study contribute towards the model of Peace Journalism, with a view to facilitating its successful application to this conflict. Highlighting both the obstacles and opportunities associated with this endeavour, Tiripelli offers suggestions for the strategic application of this model." (www.springer.com)
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"Through the narratives and movements of survivors of the war in Lanka these interconnected essays develop the concept of 'survival media' as embodied and expressive forms of mobility across borders." (Publisher description)
"The book is divided into five sections: 1. Community Empowerment and Sustainable Development; 2. Hate speech and Incitement; 3. Radicalization and Extremism; 4. Human Rights and Gender Equality; 5. Inter-religious and Intercultural Discourses in the media. Articles submitted are linked to one of th
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e sub-themes above in the context of media and information literacy. Special attention has been given to the intercultural dimensions of these areas. Papers involve an effort to engage the reader to understand media and information literacy beyond their home country or professional area of competence." (Page 16)
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"This article highlights the key areas in which Communication for Development (C4D) can play a role in the aftermath of conflict, with a focus both at the community and at the national level. It provides an overview of the literature that has begun to discuss C4D in the light of peace creation. It i
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dentifies research directions that aid to shed light on the effectiveness of C4D interventions targeting issues that are specific to post-conflict environments. It recognises its strengths when working in conjunction with broader peacebuilding programmes. Finally, it introduces a new Theory of Change (ToC) framework that is helpful in assessing the role of C4D in the achievement of sustainable peace after violence." (Abstract)
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"This study has found that Uchaguzi represents a blended model incorporating both crowd-seeding (placing monitors on the ground to collect data) and crowd-sourcing (collecting information from the public). The success of crowd-seeding is a function of Uchaguzi’s partnerships with local and interna
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tional agencies. Overall, the blended model is quite remarkable in that it theoretically provides a robust monitoring mechanism incorporating feedback from both experts and ordinary citizens. Future projects in Kenya and other locations across the world should consider such a model." (Conclusion)
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"The report explores how discussion programmes – where a diverse audience, representing the whole of society, is engaged in fair and balanced debate – can stimulate both private/interpersonal discussion and public discussion in either a community setting or one hosted by local government. It the
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n goes on to examine whether discussion can, in turn, affect conflict-related attitudes at scale, whether attitudes towards other groups in society or attitudes towards violence. The basic idea is that regular engagement in the sort of media programmes our organisation seeks to provide can help to mitigate conflict in fragile settings by increasing understanding of the other, facilitating compromise and ultimately engendering less recourse to violence. Data collected by BBC Media Action in Kenya and Nigeria is used to test the hypothesis that media induced discussion is associated with attitudes that are related to conflict and fragility. The results reveal a rich but complicated picture. We find relatively consistent evidence in both countries that our discussion-oriented media programmes are strongly linked to private discussion among family, friends and others. Evidence from Kenya also suggests that exposure to debate-style programming is potentially linked to public political discussion, but that this relationship is likely to be mediated through other variables such as private political discussion. Finally, in both cases, both private and public discussion is strongly associated with individual attitudes towards conflict. However, the relationship is a complex one and bears further examination." (Executive summary)
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"During the last decade, the image of war correspondents in the news has shifted dramatically. Reports are no longer full of cheerleading stories of embedded journalists. Instead, stories of war reporters being attacked, kidnapped or injured prevail. Sadly, the former heroic witnesses to war have be
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come victims of their own story. In this book, Nina Burri provides the first comprehensive analysis on how international law protects professional and citizen journalists, photographers, cameramen and their support staff during times of war. Using examples from recent armed conflicts in Iraq, Libya, Gaza and Syria, Burri explores the means, methods and risks of contemporary war coverage and examines the protection of news providers by international humanitarian law, international criminal law and human rights law." (Abstract)
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"Politische Spannungen und Vorurteile belasten das Verhältnis zwischen Ruandern, Burundiern und Kongolesen. So manch einer verzieht bei der Vorstellung ins Nachbarland einreisen zu müssen, das Gesicht. Das Spukgespenst des bösen Nachbarn verbreiten und verstärken nicht zuletzt die Medien. Doch e
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s geht auch anders. Die Macher der ruandischen Jugendradiosendung Ejo! setzen auf einen positiven Nachbarschaftsbegriff. Ihr Ansatz: Journalisten aus drei Ländern arbeiten zusammen und senden in die ganze Region." (Seite 8)
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"This report explores many of the issues and challenges likely to be faced by those considering a public apology as a form of reparation for victims of serious human rights violations. It finds that the best apologies clearly acknowledge responsibility for violations, recognize the continuing pain o
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f survivors and victims’ families, and are linked with efforts to compensate and assist victims materially and through other justice measures. It draws on dozens of examples of official apologies offered in connection with human rights violations and war crimes, particularly in Africa, Asia, and Latin America." (Publisher description)
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"The peace journalism (PJ) field now has an appreciable amount of published material to show for its first decade of serious operation, in research, teaching and training alike. It amounts to a serious project to reform professional education programmes in journalism. But so far, the proposed remedi
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es are more individual projects than coordinated and organized reforms; they are scattered geographically and do not have a global scope. This article discusses the need for a joint approach together with universities, colleges, training institutes and international non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and inter-governmental organizations, if PJ is to contribute to establishing journalism as an important factor in international norm-setting and to raise the profession’s ethical standards with regard to violent conflicts. To enable this, further conceptual development is also necessary. A combination of Johan Galtung’s PJ approach, with insights from critical discourse analysis (CDA), offers a way of managing the demand for contextual reflexivity that has been raised in the debate about PJ. CDA offers an opportunity to address war and peace issues in a more comprehensive manner, integrating analysis of the propaganda discourses during peacetime, underestimated by Galtung in his model." (Abstract)
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"This article examines the unique ways in which the figure of the freelance war correspondent is entangled within both the material and discursive logic of the digital in the age of the “war on terror.” Because freelancers increasingly work across media platforms and without large crews, these m
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edia producers are lucrative replacements for staff correspondents, especially since news organizations can opt out of paying for their insurance or safety training. Yet, freelancers can also be abused and discarded as soon as they begin to trouble accepted notions of journalistic authority—authority that is both a discursive and a political-economic construction. Following this, I offer two case studies in which a mainstream news network aligns a freelance journalist with the purportedly more interpretive and subjective space of the digital in order to regain control over the political narratives engendered by the freelancer’s experience in the war zone. Ultimately, I argue that these instances reveal the larger ethical poverty of mainstream news reporting in the digital age." (Abstract)
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