"Somalia is often described as ‘lawless’ or ‘the world’s most failed state’, a characterization that overlooks the way law and governance actually works in the absence of a capable central government. This article will explore the role of xeer law, or customary law, in regulating media, in
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cluding both older media, such as poetry, and newer media, such as mobile phones, in Somalia’s complex legal environment. While Somalia remains one of the most dangerous regions of the world for journalists, dozens of radio stations are broadcasting in South-Central Somalia and there is a competitive newspaper industry in Somaliland. In addition, the telecoms industry is booming with some of the best connections and lowest rates on the continent for the internet and mobile phones. Various authorities govern media and resolve conflicts across the Somali territories. To understand media ‘law’ in this region we must look beyond the formal state structures." (Abstract)
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"Considering the lessons learned from US engagement in Iraq and especially Afghanistan, military engagement can only be sustained with the support of local populations. The concept of “winning hearts and minds” has emerged as an essential component of the counterinsurgency-counterterrorism doctr
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ine. Therefore, it is essential to monitor public reaction to any foreign intervention on a constant basis to measure the effectiveness of a given military campaign. ConStrat monitored social media content—in Arabic, French and English—related to the French intervention in Mali and the unfolding of the terrorist attack in southwestern Algeria. The three media environments were diverse both qualitatively and quantitatively." (Introduction)
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"Zusammenfassend zeigt sich bei der Berichterstattung über Gewalttaten eine klare Unausgewogenheit in Bezug auf Opfer und TäterInnen. Es herrscht eine "asimetría de la indignación" (Semana 0.2.02.2008), das heißt eine Asymetrie der Empörung und eine asymetrische Sensibilisierung, die die Opfer
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des Paramilitarismus und des Militärs unsichtbar macht. Somit wird eine Wirklichkeit des Koflikts konstruiert, in der praktisch nur die Opfer der Guerillas - insbesondere Entführungsopfer - existieren. Dies reproduziert die asuymmetrischen sozialen Verhältnisse der Opfer selbst. Denn die Zielscheibe des Paramilitarismus und des Militärs sind meistens Kleinbäuerinnen und Kleinbauern, besitzlose SiedlerInnen des Hinterlands oder VerteterInnen von Basisorganisationen, deren Zugang zu den staatlichen Ressourcen - ganz zu schweigen zu den Massenmedien - viel beschränkter ist, als der von Mittel- und Oberschichtsangehörigen bzw. Mitgliedern des Militärs, die in der untersuchten Periode bevorzugte Entführungsziele der Guerillas waren." (Schlusskommentar, Seite 160)
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"The end of the security transition process in Afghanistan in 2014 marks the need to rethink foreign public diplomacy efforts in the country. As Afghanistan is entering its ‘transformational decade’, there is a unique opportunity to disconnect public diplomacy from the military–security paradi
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gm that has dominated international relations with Afghanistan since 2001. With a much more limited foreign military presence on the ground, public diplomacy can be considerably more than a strategy to win hearts and minds. Comparing the experiences of the United States and the Netherlands, the more sizeable American ‘model’ of public diplomacy can be considered a more defensive mechanism of foreign policy, linked to the military and counter-insurgency activities in Afghanistan, and to the broader ideological objective of being part of the debate on the relationship between ‘Islam and the West’. In contrast, the Dutch ‘model’ shows a limited public security effort that incorporates cultural activities and training as an extension of foreign policy. This model is less ideological and is not directly connected to the military conflict in Afghanistan. It is a more indirect form of supporting foreign policy objectives. What is needed beyond 2014 is an approach that is disconnected from the current military framework, that departs from the more modest and non-military Dutch model, but that includes the broader political and especially financial commitment of the American model." (Abstract)
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"How does media contribute to peacebuilding and reconciliation in a post-conflict environment? This question will be answered in respect to the media produced by the UN and NATO mission in Kosovo (UNMIK and KFOR) from the year 1999 until 2008. The theoretical part of the text will deal with existing
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approaches to peace journalism, effective organizational communication and media effects theories. In the empirical part, the evaluation will first focus on the content of the media produced by UNMIK and KFOR in Kosovo, followed by the assessment of media production processes in both missions. Last, the dissertation will explore the impact of UNMIK's and KFOR's media within the local Kosovar population." (Back cover)
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"Somaliland has held several competitive and multiparty elections that have been cited by international election monitors as being ‘‘free and fair.’’ While political competition has been tolerated, or even encouraged by the governments in power, there has been a continued reluctance to allow
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private radio stations. Citing the possibility of destabilizing Somaliland’s delicate peace, arguments against the liberalization of the media include concerns of radios used to further political polarization, mobilize groups to escalate simmering conflicts and violence, and the capacity of the government to regulate media outlets. This article locates these arguments against media liberalization in the context of Somaliland’s larger nation- and state-building project suggesting that in transitions from war to peace, no matter how prolonged, there are very real concerns about processes of institutionalization and the sequencing of democratic reforms." (Abstract)
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"Media interventions by international organizations and NGOs in conflict and post-conflict situations seek to develop and shape a media system to contribute to specific political and social ends. The analyses and assessments that inform these interventions are often based on an overview of the forma
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l media and governance structures, such as mass media and state institutions, and overlook informal structures that may be instrumental for political and development goals. This article proposes a framework that can incorporate both the formal and informal modes of communication and participation that characterize a society. This framework encourages a ‘diagnostic’ approach centred around three areas: power, flows, and participation, and enables researchers to take into consideration features that are often overlooked such as customary law; a range of public authorities from politicians to Imams and local elders; information flows that may vary from poetry to mobile phones; and the culture of communication. Examples from the Somali territories, which are characterized by a weak central government, are employed to highlight how informal structures and actors intervene in shaping information flows and the importance of accounting for them." (Abstract)
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"This report seeks to provide an immediate overview of the current insecure media environment in which Afghan journalists work and the threat scenario potentially facing them after the 2014 withdrawal of international troops. The aim of the report is to provide input into local and international dis
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cussions on what the focus of media development support should be in Afghanistan in future to ensure that Afghan media can play its crucial role in supporting peaceful and democratic development. The data presented in this report largely stems from on-going monitoring of media workers’ safety carried out by the local body Afghan Journalist Safety Committee (AJSC) and its safety coordinators and network of volunteers across Afghanistan. The AJSC implements the IMS-established, countrywide Afghan Journalism Safety Mechanism, a set-up that combines a number of components to enable local media workers to survive and provide the public with accurate, reliable information under the most challenging of circumstances." (Introduction, page 4)
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"The findings of this global mapping are organized into five main sections: The role of children, adolescents and youth in peacebuilding; mainstreaming C4D for peacebuilding in the education system; C4D for peacebuilding: adding value to education; most effective C4D approaches used for peacebuildin
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g; measuring results of C4D initiatives in peacebuilding." (Page 5)
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"When violence broke out in the final days of 2007 after a bitterly contested election in Kenya, Internews responded within days, working with journalists who were trying and failing to make sense of the unprecedented post-election conflict that swept across their country. Five and a half years late
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r, Internews has completed the last of its hugely popular projects aimed at training the media in conflict sensitive journalism approaches since 2008. From Mission Possible (2008) and Reporting for Peace (2008-2009), through Land & Conflict Sensitive Journalism (2010-2013), Free and Fair Media (2011-2013), and Talk Check (2013), the organization trained some 750 journalists, using its conflict sensitive journalism and follow-up mentoring methodology geared to the Kenyan context. The result, more than 5,500 conflict-sensitive stories on the peace, reconciliation and reform process published over the years." (Introduction)
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"At the beginning of 2008, the war between two powerful Mexican drug cartels generated an incredible wave of violence in some cities along the US-Mexican border. In Ciudad Juárez, located in the northern state of Chihuahua and to the west of the Texas-Mexico border, the feud over control of drug-tr
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afficking routes between the Cartel de Sinaloa and the Cartel de Juárez has claimed the lives of more than 10,000 people since the war began. Figures from the Chihuahua’s State Attorney Office offer a clear picture of the escalation of violence: in 2007, 307 people were killed in cases related to drug traffi cking; in 2008, the number rose to 1,607; in 2009, it was 2,601; and by 2010, the most violent year in the period, assassinations escalated to 3,156. At the height of the drug war, killings became so randomized that anyone could fall victim, including journalists, as the next chapter details. An entire society was affected by an increase in kidnappings, extortion, robberies, and a vast array of crimes, with youth often becoming favorite targets. The massacre of 15 teenagers and football players during a birthday party the night of January 31, 2010, was an indicator of the level of deterioration of the city. In July, a car bomb exploded in the middle of a busy avenue in downtown Juárez. It was the first time that drug cartels used a car bomb to attack civilians and police. The explosion of the vehicle, packed with 22 pounds of a powerful water gel explosive, left three people dead and a dozen civilians wounded. The violence was reaching an unprecedented level, particularly on the weekends. Reports of slaughtered scores were the top stories in local newspapers every Monday morning. During one weekend in February 2010, 53 people were massacred in different incidents. The violence had yet to reach its peak." (Abstract)
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"Stories of journalists entering conflict zones without basic equipment or first aid training are all too familiar; so too are reports of news outlets washing their hands of responsibility regarding commissioned freelancers. This needs to change, and it can, so long as enough voices in the industry
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back initiatives to implement minimum working standards. This was the objective of a retreat for international journalists who have reported from Syria since conflict broke out in early 2011: to produce a set of minimum professional and safety standards for journalists reporting from conflict zones and their employers, drawing on their experiences and challenges in the field. What follows is an outline of a series of discussions held over the three-day retreat among some 45 journalists, photographers and filmmakers, which led to the production of a minimum standards document. Participants discussed their greatest personal, security and professional challenges faced when reporting from Syria, including experiences with kidnappings, news blackouts, computer encryption, cultural sensitivity and post-traumatic stress disorder. Their recommendations are outlined in the “Minimum Working Standards for Journalists in Conflict Zones” (appendix 1) and “Recommendations to Press Freedom Organisations” (appendix 2)." (Executive summary)
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"The goal of this document is to improve the effectiveness of DFID programmes and the measurement of their impacts by providing DFID Advisers with the practical skills to develop high quality theories of change, to understand the role they play in programme design and assessment. It is intended for
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DFID advisors to more clearly and explicitly articulate their theories of change as a means of improving the effectiveness of interventions. Part I first explores the fundamentals of theories of change: what they are, why they are important, and how to create a theory of change. It explores theories of change at different levels, and concludes with advice on how theories of change can enhance the effectiveness and relevance of programming. Part II continues to build upon Part I by focusing on how theories of change can be used in the monitoring and evaluation stages of the project cycle. It provides practical guidance on how and why to use theories of change-focused monitoring and evaluation strategies, particularly exploring the ways in which theories of change can be included in any evaluation approach." (Document summary, page 3)
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"The starting point of this innovative book is that it is unsatisfactory either to consider conflict within a singular concept or alternatively to consider each conflict as entirely distinct and unique; Narrating Conflict in the Middle East explores another path to addressing long-term conflict. The
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contributors set out to examine the ways in which such conflicts in Palestine and Lebanon have been and are narrated, imagined and remembered in diverse spaces, including that of the media. They examine discourses and representations of the conflicts as well as practices of memory and performance in narratives of suffering and conflict, all of which suggest an embodied investment in narrating or communicating conflict." (Publisher description)
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"Entries examine theory, research, and debates as they relate to media violence in a manner that is accessible and jargon-free to help readers better understand questions from varied perspectives. From “Aggression” and “Animated Cartoons” to “V-chips” and “War Toys,” this work provid
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es balanced, comprehensive coverage of this hot-button issue. 134 signed entries are available both in print and electronically." (Publisher description)
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"This briefing examines how current media trends are affecting state and societal fragility, both positively and negatively, and argues that the role of a free and plural media should be prioritised rather than marginalised in fragile states policy. The paper provides case studies on the role and im
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pact of the media in Afghanistan, Iraq, Kenya and Somalia, examines some of the main academic and policy debates that have characterised discussion around media and fragile states, and also considers the role of public service broadcasting in fragile states. According to the executive summary "support to the media in fragile states designed to minimise the risk of division and maximise the opportunities for dialogue should feature more prominently in assistance to such states." (CAMECO Update November 2013)
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