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Citizen Journalism Guidelines on Electoral Reporting in Zimbabwe

Admire Mare, Henrik Keith, Simbiso Marimbe, Rashweat Mukundu

International Media Support (IMS) (2018), 54 pp.

"The purpose of this manual is to familiarise citizen journalists with the core issues of election reporting including ethics, safety and security, fake news, hate speech and the broader issues around the electoral system in Zimbabwe. It also focuses on gender and the media, photography, live-stream ... more

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The Professional Election Reporter: Guidelines for Journalists Covering Elections in Zimbabwe

Henrik Keith Hansen, Vincent Kahiya, Admire Mare, Simbiso Marimbe

International Media Support (IMS);Zimbabwe Union of Journalists (ZUJ) (2018), 48 pp.

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Baseline Study on Election Reporting in Zimbabwe’s Mainstream Media

International Media Support (IMS);Media Monitors (2018), 62 pp.

"The study concluded that the media in Zimbabwe falls short of standards of fair and balanced coverage of political actors in the country. ZANU PF and MDC T dominated the media’s coverage and combined for 94% of the space and time dedicated to political parties whilst the remaining 15 parties acco ... more

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Reporting on Zimbabwe’s 2018 Elections: A Post-Election Analysis

Media Monitors;International Media Support (IMS) (2018), 40 pp.

"During the 2018 electoral period in Zimbabwe, Media Monitors monitored mainstream media to assess the nature of election coverage with a focus on three issues: Fair and balanced coverage of political players, the media’s role in informing the public on electoral processes, and professional and et ... more

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Fakten statt Fakes: Verursacher, Verbreitungswege und Wirkungen von Fake News im Bundestagswahlkampf 2017

Alexander Sängerlaub, Miriam Meier, Wolf-Dieter Rühl

Berlin: Stiftung Neue Verantwortung (2018), 102 pp.

"Ziel dieser Studie ist es, empirische Fakten und Hintergründe zum Phänomen Fake-News in Deutschland zu liefern. Der Fokus der Untersuchung liegt darauf, wer an der Entstehung und Verbreitung von Fake News in der digitalen Öffentlichkeit beteiligt ist, wie groß die Reichweiten und wie erfolgreic ... h die Gegenmaßnahmen, zum Beispiel das sogenannte “Debunking” der Fact-Checker, sind. Über einen Zeitraum von sechs Monaten bis zur Bundestagswahl am 24. September 2017 wurden dafür zehn Fake-News-Fälle mit nationaler Reichweite beobachtet, ausgewählt und untersucht. Die Datenbasis war dabei umfassend; untersucht werden konnte ein Großteil der deutschen Online-Öffentlichkeit: öffentlich zugänglichen Facebook-Seiten waren demnach ebenso Bestandteil, der deutschsprachige Twitterraum, aber auch Online-Nachrichtenseiten, Blogs, Foren und die Videoplattform YouTube. Die Untersuchung der Fake News, die zur Bundestagswahl 2017 in Deutschland geteilt wurden, birgt Überraschungen. Einige zuvor medial geäußerte Befürchtungen traten so nicht ein. Weder zeigte unsere empirische Untersuchung viele Fake News aus Russland, die in der Öffentlichkeit signifikante Verbreitung fanden, noch zeigten sich bedeutende Vorgänge aus dem linkspopulistischen Raum. Auch inhaltlich gab es kaum erfolgreiche Desinformation, die sich beispielsweise mit den beiden Spitzenkandidat:innen von SPD und CDU/CSU befassen. Fake News, so wie sich das Phänomen in Deutschland empirisch darstellt, werden vor allem von Rechten, Rechtspopulist:innen und Rechtsextremen verbreitet. Dabei bildet die AfD die Speerspitze der Verbreitung, in sieben von zehn von uns dokumentierten Fällen ist sie unter den Top-10 der reichweitenstärksten Verbreiter. Das rechtspopulistische Netzwerk ist jedoch größer und besonders in den sozialen Netzwerken (allen voran: Facebook) aktiv. Hierzu zählen Medien, wie die Epoch Times, genauso wie rechte Blogs. Doch nicht alle Fake News gehen allein auf das Konto der Social-Media-Kanäle à la Facebook und Twitter: Auch redaktionelle, “klassische” Medien spielen eine Rolle. Mal als versehentlicher Katalysator, mal als bewusster Auslöser, zumeist allerdings als kritisches Korrektiv und Richtigsteller falscher Informationen, wie Süddeutsche.de oder der Faktenfinder der ARD. Andere Medien dagegen machen sich auffallend oft zum Verbreiter von Fake News, wie Bild.de oder Welt.de. Unsauberes Arbeiten betrifft in zwei Fällen auch die dpa, die Deutsche Presse-Agentur, die vor allem eine unrühmliche Rolle bei der Verbreitung der Fake News zum Volksfest in Schorndorf einnahm. Neben Medienhäusern sind zudem staatliche Stellen oder Behörden bei der Verbreitung beteiligt und können selbst zum Auslöser von Fake News werden. Schuld daran ist oft unprofessionelle oder mindestens sorglose Öffentlichkeitsarbeit, ob von der Polizei auf Twitter oder bei der Auskunft staatlicher Stellen gegenüber Medien. In allen von uns dokumentierten Fällen nutzen rechtspopulistische Akteure diese Ungenauigkeiten und instrumentalisieren diese für ihre ideologische Kampagne als Teil ihrer Kommunikationsstrategie. Thematisch bewegen sich die untersuchten Falschinformationen vor allem im Themenfeld “Flüchtlinge und Kriminalität”. Die Flüchtlingskrise, die auch eines der großen Themen der letzten Bundestagswahl war, dominiert demnach unsere Cases: 8 der 10 Fake News haben das Thema „Flüchtlinge“. Insgesamt erzielen Fake News im Vergleich zu regulären Nachrichten klassischer Medien in der Regel nur überschaubare Reichweiten, es sei denn, klassische Medien sind bei der Verbreitung beteiligt. Die große Fake News – das ist die gute Nachricht – blieb in Deutschland aus. Gründe dafür sind zum einen hohe Vertrauenswerte in das hiesige Mediensystem, aber auch die weitaus geringere Bedeutung der Social-Media-Kanäle als Informationsquelle im Vergleich zu den USA. Die stärkste im Rahmen dieser Studie gemessene Fake News betraf eine Meldung über ein Volksfest in der badenwürttembergischen Stadt Schorndorf, auf dem “angeblich 1.000 Migranten randaliert hätten”, so das Narrativ der Fake News. Sie erzeugte ein Engagement von etwa 500.000, dies bedeutet, dass allein eine halbe Million Nutzer:innenaktivitäten in Form von Shares, Likes oder Comments in den Sozialen Netzwerken messbar waren." (Executive summary) more

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Disinformation in Elections

Max Bader

Security and Human Rights, volume 29, issue 1/4 (2018), pp. 24-35

"In recent years there has been increasing attention to the potentially disruptive influence of disinformation on elections. The most common forms of disinformation in elections include the dissemination of ‘fake news’ in order to discredit opponents or to influence the voting process, the falsi ... more

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#iranvotes2017: Analysing the 2017 Iranian Presidential Elections Through Telegram, Twitter and Instagram

James Marchant, Tom Ormson, Ali Honari, Amin Sabeti

Small Media (2018), 58 pp.

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Who Debates, Who Wins? At-Scale Experimental Evidence on Debate Participation in a Liberian Election

Jeremy Bowles, Horacio Larreguy

[no publisher] (2018), 45, 24 pp.

"In this paper we assess the electoral consequences of candidate selection into the supply of widely-disseminated programmatic information in the setting of Liberia, where clientelism is pervasive and the media sector is weak. We partnered with USAID and the NGO Internews to study the impact of rand ... omized elements of a nationwide initiative to hold debates for all 73 House of Representatives seats ahead of the Liberian election of October 2017. Beyond lawmaking, House members in Liberia control access to development funds as well as play key roles in the allocation and implementation of public goods, and thus voters have incentives to care about the policy priorities of the candidates and vote accordingly. However, historically, votes have been bought as often as won (Bowles et al., 2017). In an effort to improve democratic accountability, Internews organized 129 standardized debates, with at least one in each electoral district, to solicit the policy promises of the participating candidates. In the debates, the 59% of candidates who participated were asked a series of questions by moderating journalists on particular issues of local policy relevance, most often relating to district schools, primary healthcare facilities, and infrastructural investments. Rather than large townhall-style debates, the emphasis was on soliciting concrete policy platforms and promises from the candidates that would then be rebroadcast by community radio stations. To shock the supply of policy promises, we randomly varied the intensity of invitation efforts to persuade candidates to participate in the debates. The decision to participate is risky, particularly in clientelistic settings where the returns to programmatic competition can be both limited and highly uncertain. Candidates who ‘win’ a debate may enjoy greater publicity and net electoral gains, but ex ante they risk performing poorly, revealing their policy priorities to be disconnected from their constituents and restricting their ability to target campaign promises to small groups of influential voters. These risks are especially pronounced for the leading candidates (incumbents and their challengers), who enjoy greater resources for campaigning, are adapted to the existing clientelistic equilibrium, and are more likely to be attacked by opponents to gain publicity." (Pages 2-3) more

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Countering Hate Speech in Elections: Strategies for Electoral Management Dodies

Arlington: International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) (2018), 41 pp.

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Understanding Nigerian Media and Elections Through Research: Analysis of the 2015 Presidential Election Campaign Messages

Rotimi Williams Olatunji, Ayo Oluwatosin, Nosa Owens-Ibie, Victor Ayedun-Aluma

Lagos: Association of Communication Scholars & Professionals of Nigeria (ACSPN) (2018), 10 pp.

"1. Political parties and their supporters should concentrate more on issues-based campaign messages than hate campaign messages capable of demeaning personalities, religious/ethnic beliefs as well as ethnicity. 2. Political parties and their candidates should focus more on issue of importance to na ... more

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How the Propaganda Machine Stole the Russian Election. Monitoring of Media: Russian Presidential Election 2018

Luydmila Savchuk, Rasto Kužel

International Media Support (IMS);Memo98 (2018), 74 pp.

"The Russian state media failed to provide sufficient information about political alternatives to incumbent Vladimir Putin ahead of the 18 March presidential election. Coverage on nationwide private channels was similarly limited. For the 2018 presidential election, a strong and independent media pr ... more

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Social Media and Politics in Central and Eastern Europe

Pawel Surowiec, Václav Stetka (eds.)

London; New York: Routledge (2018), xvi, 207 pp.

"This book surveys current developments in social media and politics in a range of Central and Eastern European countries, including Ukraine and Russia. It explores the process of adoption of social media by politicians, journalists and civic activists, examines the impact of the different social an ... more

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How Africa Tweets 2018

London et al.: Portland (2018), 22 pp.

"Our study is the first to identify and analyse who is shaping African Twitter conversations during elections over the past year. The study found that 53 per cent of the leading voices on Twitter around ten elections on the continent during the past year came from outside the country in which the el ... more

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"Not Worth the Risk": Threats to Free Expression Ahead of Kenya’s 2017 Elections

Human Rights Watch (2017), 76 pp.

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Using Digital and Social Media to Monitor and Reduce Violence in Kenya’s Elections

Caitriona Dowd

Brighton: Institute of Development Studies (IDS) (2017), 4 pp.

"Social media and digital technology offer immense potential for citizens, policymakers and practitioners to raise awareness of, monitor, and respond to violence. With Kenya’s elections approaching, technology can help to raise awareness of insecurity, support early warning, combat incitement of v ... more

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The Instrumentalisation of Mass Media in Electoral Authoritarian Regimes: Evidence from Russia's Presidential Election Campaigns of 2000 and 2008

Nozima Akhrarkhodjaeva

Stuttgart: ibidem-Verlag (2017), viii, 283 pp.

"Which instruments and approaches do incumbent elites employ to skew media coverage in favour of their preferred candidate in a presidential election? What effects do these strategies have on news content? Based on two case studies of the presidential election campaigns in Russia in 2000 and in 2008 ... more

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The Reality of Fake News in Kenya

London et al.: Portland;GeoPoll (2017), 18 pp.

"Alarmingly, the research reveals that fake news is a pervasive problem surrounding the Kenyan elections with 90% of respondents having seen false or inaccurate information and 87% viewing this information as being deliberately false. Why does this matter? An informed citizenry is vital to Kenya’s ... more

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Cobertura de eventos electorales en Venezuela

Caracas: Espacio Público (2017), 2 pp.

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Influencing the Message: The Role of Media Ownership on the Press Coverage of the 2015 Presidential Electoral Campaign in Nigeria

Fatima Iyabo Abubakre

Brazilian Journalism Research, volume 13, issue 3 (2017), pp. 60-85

"This study focuses on the role of media ownership on the press coverage of the 2015 presidential election campaign in Nigeria. Using content analysis, the aim of the study was to identify the themes and examine the direction of the coverage of election campaign news items between the two main polit ... more

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La couverture médiatique des élections: Le cadre légal en Europe

Ernesto Apa, Marco Bassini, Anne Bruna et al.

Strasbourg: Council of Europe (2017), 135 pp.