"Very few cross-national studies have examined the consequences of electoral manipulation, including the manipulation of election administration and the media, on citizens’ trust in elections. This paper addresses this gap by exploring how autonomy of election management bodies (EMBs) and media fr
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eedom individually and conjointly shape citizens’ trust in elections. Citizens are more likely to express confidence in elections when EMBs display de facto autonomy and less likely to do so when mass media disseminate information independent of government control. Additionally, we suggest that EMB autonomy may not have a positive effect on public trust in elections if media freedom is low. Empirical findings based on recent survey data on public trust in elections in 47 countries and expert data on de facto EMB autonomy and media freedom support our hypotheses." (Abstract)
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"Ce manuel a pour but d’accompagner les missions d’observation électorale dans leur mission de surveillance des contenus médiatiques et des discours politiques, la qualité du discours des acteurs politiques et le comportement des médias dans une période clé de la vie démocratique. Il donn
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e également les outils nécessaires pour la surveillance d’accès équitable aux médias pour l’ensemble des candidats tant au niveau quantitatif qu’au niveau qualitatif. Au-delà du manuel et de l’observation électorale, l’objectif est de permettre aux médias de pouvoir mieux jouer leur rôle d’éducation civique et de servir d’espace public d’expression démocratique en République Démocratique du Congo." (Site web Internews.org)
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"Domestic journalists covering Kenya’s 2013 General Election worked in an exceptionally challenging media environment; one which was significantly shaped by the 2007 election and post-election violence (PEV). Rooted in literature on peace journalism (PJ), we examine how the PEV of Kenya’s 2007 p
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residential elections informed and shaped journalists’ practice around the 2013 Kenyan General Election. The article is based on qualitative interviews with 16 Kenyan print journalists and editors at the Daily Nation and Standard newspapers as well as interviews with 6 Kenyan media specialists. Our analysis finds the 2007 PEV significantly constrained journalistic practice in three ways: first, journalists witnessed violence in 2007 which anchored their 2013 coverage; second, interviewees felt a ‘collective guilt’ at journalism’s failure to provide responsible coverage in 2007 creating a ‘culture of restraint’ and third, journalists felt compelled to ‘sanitize’ potentially inflammatory language creating a tension between journalists’ duty to inform and strong desire to avoid contributing to conflict. This article concludes by siding with a growing critical chorus of PJ scholars critiquing its often “individualist” approach and calling for greater attention towards structural factors such as perceived social constraints when conceptualizing and theorizing the agency of journalists working in post conflict environments." (Abstract)
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"In conclusion, therefore, training and capacity building programs for journalists are likely to continue to be one common form of media assistance offered by development agencies and domestic stakeholders, but these types of activities can be expected to strengthen useful technical skills for news
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workers, improving how they do their work, more than altering their underlying ethical standards and values, and what they do. Many alternative types of policy interventions are available to supplement training and strengthen the quality of news coverage by independent media during election campaigns. This includes through working with local NGOs advocating legal reforms of the regulatory framework (such as lobbying for Freedom of Information laws and protecting journalists), expanding investment in the digital infrastructure in poorer countries and fighting internet censorship in repressive states (to widen public access to pluralistic communication platforms), and building the domestic capacity for systematic media monitoring (to highlight problems in election coverage)." (Conclusion)
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"Desde su primera edición en el año 2005, la presente obra ha servido como guía práctica para acompañar a los candidatos y sus asesores durante todo el proceso electoral y hoy en día sigue ofreciendo valiosas herramientas tanto tradicionales como también relacionadas con las nuevas tecnologí
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as. Pero una cosa es ganar unas elecciones y otra cosa muy diferente es gobernar. Por eso, Carlos Andrés Pérez dedica la segunda parte de su libro a la manera como ejercer el poder de una forma responsable, o sea, cómo cambiar de la comunicación de campaña a la comunicación de gobierno. Tanto el candidato como el gobernante deben ser contundentes, generar credibilidad y confianza. En esta séptima edición Carlos Andrés Pérez nos sorprende con una nueva faceta de la comunicación política para llegar mejor al público, el Storytelling. Un nuevo nombre para un concepto muy antiguo, que se remonta a tiempos bíblicos, y consiste en contar historias y experiencias personales, en vez de abrumar a la gente con tantas cifras y teorías abstractas." (Prólogo, página 15-16)
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"Evidence from the study reveals that the visibility of women (candidates or voters) during coverage of the 2016 general elections in Uganda was significantly low relative to that of men, not only in terms of being read about or being heard, but also being seen in pictures. The study findings show t
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hat the representation of women as news subjects was only 20% as opposed to 80% for men; emanating from the study also is that there is a direct linkage between one’s status in Ugandan society – sex, occupation, and family status – and the likelihood of being covered in election related stories and providing additional information, in the case of the role, news subjects or the source play in the news stories." (Executive summary)
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"Ugandische Eliten erwarten von Journalisten zu Wahlzeiten eine positive Berichterstattung. Kritik und Hinterfragung von Standpunkten werden nicht gerne gesehen. Die übermächtigen Ressourcen der Herrschenden werden dazu eingesetzt, diese Erwartungen zu erfüllen. Dementsprechend können Journalist
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en ihre Selbstverständnisse nicht realisieren, sondern passen sich den Erwartungen an. Diese Masterarbeit macht deutlich, dass die derzeitigen Strukturen des ugandischen Mediensystems das journalistische Können und damit die Medienfreiheit einschränken. Deshalb muss auch von staatlichen Akteuren oftmals kein direkter Druck durch polizeiliche oder juristische Verfolgung erzeugt werden. Der derzeitige Zustand der Arbeits- und Ausbildungsbedingungen, sowie die Eigentumsstrukturen reichen zur Disziplinierung aus." (Fazit, Seite 100)
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"El estudio de los fenómenos comunicativos en las elecciones de México de 2015 constituye el punto de análisis en el presente volumen. En el marco normativo de un órgano electoral nuevo, el Instituto Nacional Electoral, las variaciones del tratamiento informativo y la presencia de estrategias me
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diáticas en la prensa, la radio y la televisión reforzaron la idea de unos medios de comunicación que fungieron como creadores de contextos interpretativos y agentes de control de la opinión pública, para el posicionamiento o deslegitimación de los candidatos ciudadanos y de los partidos políticos. Las elecciones intermedias demostraron, a pesar de la reforma electoral de 2014 y la participación de los candidatos independientes, que la regulación normativa del modelo de comunicación política tiene frente a sí a la diversidad de prácticas mediáticas y modulación discursiva como un universo de manifestaciones del lenguaje de la política, que se re-inventa a cada paso." (Editorial)
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"The Council of Europe handbook Reporting on elections aims to help observers become more efficient and to produce more effective reports, specifically focusing on the reporting of core team members. At the same time, it also covers the reporting of long- and short-term observers. It deals mainly wi
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th final election reports and reports/statements on preliminary findings, while also providing insight into interim reports and ideas for ad hoc reports and press releases, in addition to tips on how to follow up on recommendations. This handbook gives an overview of the planning of observation activities from a reporting perspective: the scope of election observation, assessment of the organisations’ reporting capacities, key observation principles and what observers could focus on, how to assess the reporting capacities of one’s own organisation, and how to conduct training on reporting." (Back cover)
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"Social media are now widely used for political protests, campaigns, and communication in developed and developing nations, but available research has not yet paid sufficient attention to experiences beyond the US and UK. This collection tackles this imbalance head-on, compiling cutting-edge researc
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h across six continents to provide a comprehensive, global, up-to-date review of recent political uses of social media. Drawing together empirical analyses of the use of social media by political movements and in national and regional elections and referenda, The Routledge Companion to Social Media and Politics presents studies ranging from Anonymous and the Arab Spring to the Greek Aganaktismenoi, and from South Korean presidential elections to the Scottish independence referendum." (Publisher description)
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"This study has found that Uchaguzi represents a blended model incorporating both crowd-seeding (placing monitors on the ground to collect data) and crowd-sourcing (collecting information from the public). The success of crowd-seeding is a function of Uchaguzi’s partnerships with local and interna
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tional agencies. Overall, the blended model is quite remarkable in that it theoretically provides a robust monitoring mechanism incorporating feedback from both experts and ordinary citizens. Future projects in Kenya and other locations across the world should consider such a model." (Conclusion)
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"In contrast to most recent studies focusing on how ICT and new media were catalysts for the 2007/08 post-election violence, this article will shed light on the role of Kiswahili and social media in the process of fostering participation in the 2013 general election campaigns. It takes a closer look
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at how the use of Kiswahili and mobile phones has shaped citizen engagement by offering new forms and spaces of expression. It will give insight into evolving digital practices of political communication during the 2013 general elections in Kenya." (Abstract)
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"Hoy gracias a lo logrado con el monitoreo de medios realizado en las elecciones de Congreso y Presidencia 2014 el país cuenta con información cualificada para que especialistas, investigadores y la MOE puedan crear diálogos con periodistas de todo el país sobre la importancia de temas como la p
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articipación política de la mujer y la transparencia electoral durante los procesos democráticos." (Página 9)
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"The telenovela El Candidato did not elect Vicente Fox per se but it was a very powerful media vehicle that certainly helped him. Although there were suspicions from the beginning about the telenovela’s positive support of the PRI in the context of the real election, it turns out that in fact upon
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detailed analysis key scenes and episodes of El Candidato’s general framework, the opposite proved to be true. TV-Azteca and El Candidato together negatively framed the image of the PRI and its role in ruling the country for 71 years, which then helped to underline the necessity of change. El Candidato visually explained the complexity of the social-political world even better that the politicians themselves or the press because its arguments are accompanied by images, angles, colors, music, emotions, etc. For some of those viewers-electors, the telenovela was an understandable guide to Mexican politics because the telenovela showed details related to what people thought about the PRI, politics, recent scandals and assassinations. The public mission of TVAzteca and its nightly newscast Hechos de la Noche following El Candidato resulted in sensationalizing real public events with the private goal of supporting a president close to its own interests." (Conclusion, page 23)
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"We analyzed more than 13,000 statements during the project. This report primarily builds on the statements that were collected between 24 February and 24 June 2015, three months before and one month after the parliamentary elections that took place in Ethiopia on 24 May 2015. FINDING 1 - Hate and d
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angerous speech are marginal forms of speech in social media. Only 0.4% of statements in our sample have been classified as hate speech (i.e. speech that incites others to discriminate or act against individuals or groups based on their ethnicity, religion, or gender) and 0.3% as dangerous speech (i.e. speech that builds the bases for or directly calls for widespread violence against a particular group) [...] FINDING 2 - The elections on Facebook were a “non-event” - they were broadly discussed, but there was widespread disillusionment. Most Ethiopian Facebook pages discussed the elections, but many statements either directly referred to, or seemed informed by, the perception that the outcome of the elections was already predetermined, with low levels of suspense and low expectations on the part of online users [...] FINDING 3 - Dangerous speech is a distinctive and more deliberate form of attacking other groups or individuals. When compared to hate speech, as well as to other types of messages, dangerous speech reflects a more deliberate strategy to attack individuals and groups. Almost all dangerous statements in our sample are uttered by individuals seeking to hide their identity (92%). This proportion is significantly lower for statements classified as hate speech (33%) and offensive speech (31%) [...] FINDING 4 - The political, social and cultural views reflected in social media in Ethiopia are less polarized than might be expected ..." (Executive summary)
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