"The Internet in Africa has become an increasingly contested space, where competing ideas of development and society battle for hegemony. By comparing the evolution of the Internet in Ethiopia and Rwanda, we question whether policies and projects emerging from two of Africa’s fastest growing, but
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also most tightly controlled countries, can be understood as part of a relatively cohesive model of the ‘developmental’ Internet, which challenges mainstream conceptions. Our answer is a qualified yes. Ethiopia and Rwanda have shared an overarching strategy which places the state as the prime mover in the development of Internet policy and large-scale ICT projects. Rwanda, however, appears to have developed a more open model which can accommodate a greater variety of actors and opinions, and incorporate them within a relatively coherent vision that emanates from the centre. Ethiopia, in contrast, has developed a more closed model, where all powers rest firmly in the hands of a government that has refused (so far) to entertain and engage with alternative ideas of the Internet. In the case of Rwanda, we argue, this approach reflects broader strategies adopted by the government in the economic domain but appears to counter the prevailing political approach of the government, allowing for a greater degree of freedom on the Internet as compared to traditional media. While in the case of Ethiopia, the opposite is true; Ethiopia’s Internet policies appear to run counter to prevailing economic policies but fit tightly with the government’s approach to politics and governance." (Abstract)
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"This United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) report documents the national state of journalists' safety and the issue of impunity by providing an overview of the safety situation of journalists in Nepal. It also examines the context of safety and the responsibility
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of all stakeholders in addressing the issue of journalists' safety in the country. Based on UNESCO's Media Development Indicators (MDI), UNESCO's Journalists' Safety Indicators (JSI) are developed within the context of the endorsement of the UN Plan of Action on Safety of Journalists and the Issue of Impunity, providing a baseline of knowledge against which progress can be assessed. Using various methods, including document analysis and interviews with various informants, this research documents the actors and actions in place for the protection of journalists in Nepal, grouped around 4 key indicator categories, namely: the roles and response of the State and other political actors; the roles and response of civil society and academia; the roles and response of media and intermediaries; and the roles and response of the UN system and other extra-national actors with a presence in Nepal. In an overview of the situation of journalists' safety in Nepal, this report also provides information on the number of threats and attacks on journalists in the course of their work. Appendix one describes the methodology and sources of data in more detail." (Abstract)
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"The study finds that Kenyan journalists face serious challenges in the course of their work. Further, both State and non-State actors have contributed to a deteriorating climate for journalists. The number of threats, incidents of harassment and intimidation as well as legal and personal attacks, h
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as grown within the period under study." (Executive summary)
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"This report provides an overview of a decade of killings of journalists, media workers and social media producers, between 1 January 2006 and 31 December 2015. The extent of the risks faced by those exercising their right to express opinions and disseminate information is demonstrated by the figure
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of 827 killings recorded by UNESCO over ten years. To this, one needs to add the numerous other violations endured by journalists, which include kidnappings, arbitrary detention, torture, intimidation and harassment, both offline and online, and seizure or destruction of material. Overcoming all these threats is needed for measuring progress on the Sustainable Development Goal Target 16.10 on ensuring public access to information and protecting fundamental freedoms within the framework of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. This Report is focused exclusively on the worst violations, i.e. the killings of journalists, in line with the IPDC Council’s 2008 Decision on the Safety of Journalists and the Issue of Impunity, which was reinforced by subsequent decisions in 2010, 2012, and 2014." (Executive summary)
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"This policy brief is divided into four parts. First, we provide basic definitions and terminology concerning blocking/filtering. This is followed by an outline of relevant international standards on freedom of expression. We then address the fundamental issues underlying the use of filters and bloc
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king measures. Finally, we provide comprehensive recommendations for legislators, policy and decisions makers in this area. Summary of recommendations: 1. Blanket filtering must be prohibited by law; 2. Filtering should be user-controlled and transparent; 3. Any requirement to block content must be provided by law; 4. Blocking should only be ordered by an independent and impartial court or adjudicatory body; 5. Blocking orders must be strictly proportionate to the aim pursued." (Executive summary)
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"Blurring the Lines: Market-Driven and Democracy-Driven Freedom of Expression focuses on challenges from the market to free speech and how free speech can be protected, promoted and developed when lines between journalism and advertising are blurred. With contributions from 20 scholars in law, media
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studies and philosophy, it explores an issue deserving greater attention, market pressures on freedom of expression. The role of commercial constraints on speech, restrictions and control of media content and the responsibility of state institutions in protecting free speech are some of the topics scrutinized from a democratic free speech perspective." (Back cover)
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"Ukrainian mass media outlets are mostly driven by their owners’ individual interests and thus serve as instruments to securing political and economic power. Corruption and lack of financial transparency further inhibit the healthiness of the country’s media landscape. The Media Ownership Monito
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r Ukraine, carried out from July to October 2016 together with the Institute of Mass Information (IMI), showed that the Ukraine media is prone to power plays, more than ever. The Media Ownership Monitor pinpoints that concentration is especially high within the audio-visual and radio markets. The major four TV owners – StarLight Media, 1+1 Media, Inter Media and Media Group Ukraine – represent an audience share of more than three quarters. The top four radio groups even combine a reach of 92% of the audience in Ukraine: Tavr Radio Group, Ukrainian Media Holding, Business Radio Group and TRK Lux. Those media groups mainly belong to some of the richest in Ukraine, amongst others Viktor Pinchuk, Ihor Kolomoyskyi, Dmytro Firtash and Rinat Akhmetov. The print media and online sectors are less concentrated. Online media in particular offer much more pluralism and choice to Internet savvy Ukrainians." (http://www.mom-rsf.org)
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"Two giant broadcast networks dominate the Philippine media industry both in terms of economic market power and audience reach, which gives them a major potential to shape public opinion. Despite a high number of media outlets and being described as one of the most freewheeling media systems in the
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region, Philippine media continuous to be owned by and to depend on the economic and political elite [...] Five families in the Forbes List of 2016 Philippines’ Richest are in media, four of which made their money predominantly from media. Even though the political and economic elite are interweaved, those links have not led to targeted discriminatory actions in the recent past, with in general little political control being openly exerted. It poses, however, a potential risk to media as soon as the political elite start to exploit the vulnerability of media owners." (http://www.mom-rsf.org)
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"High levels of revenue and ownership concentration in the media sector pose a threat to freedom of information in Peru. Concentration is also exceptionally high in terms of circulation and audience in the print and digital media sectors. MOM Peru, carried out from September and December 2016, has r
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evealed a high degree of media ownership concentration as well as a lack of regulation by the state, and confirms the dominant position of the El Comercio Group." (http://www.mom-rsf.org)
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"Lo que hace algunos años era un escenario de polarización entre medios de comunicación anti-Chávez y pro-Chávez sumamente tendenciosos, lo cual era el reflejo de una sociedad dividida, se ha convertido en un escenario de control gubernamental, directo o indirecto, sobre la mayor parte del disc
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urso público [...] Sin embargo, en medio de este panorama desolador para la libertad de expresión, hay rayos de esperanza: han surgido nuevos medios de comunicación independientes y en su mayoría digitales que están determinados a enfrentar las dificultades y contar la historia de lo que realmente está ocurriendo en Venezuela. Sus reportajes han sido finalistas o ganadores de varios de los premios de periodismo más prestigiosos del continente; uno de estos reportajes documenta precisamente la compra de medios de comunicación por parte de amigos del gobierno, y el consecuente cambio en la línea editorial que obligó a muchos periodistas y editores a renunciar. Las recomendaciones finales de este documento incluyen un llamado para una reforma urgente del marco legal en el que los medios de comunicación operan; el acceso pleno a la información pública y a los funcionarios públicos; y un mayor apoyo para que el periodismo de investigación y los medios independientes en Venezuela se relacionen con colegas en el continente y aumenten su capacidad para informar de manera factual acerca de la situación crítica que vive el país." (Resumen)
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"This paper shows how digital communication technologies enable new and influence established tactics of state repression beyond borders. Based on interviews with Iranian activists and journalists who were forced to leave the country after the controversial elections of 2009, I analyze mechanisms an
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d aims of repressive measures targeting exiled dissidents. I argue that in an environment of intense transnational communication and information exchange, authoritarian regimes can monitor and respond to the activities of political exiles rapidly and on a large scale. State actors seek to undermine the links of exiles into the country (horizontal voice) as well as to punish claims to public attention that challenge the regime’s position in the domestic and international arenas (vertical voice). With these measures, authorities pursue a parallel strategy: expanding authoritarian power and practices beyond borders while distancing political exiles from contacts in the home country." (Abstract)
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"Ugandische Eliten erwarten von Journalisten zu Wahlzeiten eine positive Berichterstattung. Kritik und Hinterfragung von Standpunkten werden nicht gerne gesehen. Die übermächtigen Ressourcen der Herrschenden werden dazu eingesetzt, diese Erwartungen zu erfüllen. Dementsprechend können Journalist
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en ihre Selbstverständnisse nicht realisieren, sondern passen sich den Erwartungen an. Diese Masterarbeit macht deutlich, dass die derzeitigen Strukturen des ugandischen Mediensystems das journalistische Können und damit die Medienfreiheit einschränken. Deshalb muss auch von staatlichen Akteuren oftmals kein direkter Druck durch polizeiliche oder juristische Verfolgung erzeugt werden. Der derzeitige Zustand der Arbeits- und Ausbildungsbedingungen, sowie die Eigentumsstrukturen reichen zur Disziplinierung aus." (Fazit, Seite 100)
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"Incidents of physical violence and – worse still – impunity for those who commit such acts continue in Croatia, an unacceptable situation for an EU member state. On the other, legal provisions such as the country’s criminal defamation and shaming laws have been abused to punish investigative
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journalists for doing their jobs. Such trends can and must be reversed. But it is also clear that ‘informal’ limits to free expression, which can be more easily disguised and hence denied, are at work in Croatia. These limits include excessive political influence in the media as well as politically motivated discourse that seeks to undercut critical journalism by singling out its practitioners as “activists” or even “traitors”. These patterns have an impact both on the production of content, through direct pressure or self-censorship, and on the reception of content by the public. The most glaring example of recent political influence is the recent government’s obvious interference at the public broadcaster HRT." (Conclusion, page 15)
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"Voters need and deserve to hear a full range of voices as they decide their future and 'The Post' has played a vital role in providing an alternative to government-dominated mass media in Zambia. Unshackling that voice is critical if Zambians are to vote in an atmosphere that can be deemed free and
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fair. The ZRA has refused to work with The Post to reconcile its disputed debts and allow payment, making the seizure appear to be an effort by President Lungu to silence a persistent critic in order to hold on to power. IPI and the AMI are concerned that, if allowed to stand, the effort could have an extremely negative impact on democracy in the region, insofar as other leaders might take note and seek to misuse state power to similar ends." (Conclusion)
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"The IPDC has played a significant role in the promotion of the safety of journalists in recent years, contributing to and building on the momentum around journalists’ safety issues. However, developing a specific IPDC strategy with the aim of maintaining the momentum, and making full use of its p
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otential, will be important for the IPDC to ensure its continued relevance in addressing this critical challenge to freedom of expression and freedom of the press. This strategy needs to focus on those goals that the IPDC is better placed to achieve than any other entity, while complementing UNESCO’s other work in this area. This would increase IPDC impact, on the one hand, and the interest among donors, on the other." (Page 15)
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"The Tunisian revolution has left a significant mark on the country’s media landscape, which diversified and played an important role in the transition process. Media diversity, however, does not guarantee the independence of information per se, especially if it remains to be dominated by politica
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l or economic interests. The Tunisian Media Ownership Monitor, set up by RSF and Al Khatt from April to June 2016, shows that even if there is no strong media concentration in the hands of a few like in the days of Ben Ali, disturbing trends can nonetheless be observed: 6 out of the 10 TV stations analysed have a history of political affiliation. As the form of media with the highest audience rates in Tunisia, TV stations naturally attract interests from the political sphere; No reliable audience data exists, no matter for which type of media; Financial data difficult to obtain; Lack of transparency about funding means." (http://www.mom-rsf.org)
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"Using the case of the hybrid media system of Uganda and Schimank’s approach of agent-structure dynamics, this article argues that media freedom and journalists’ autonomy first and foremost depend on society’s expectations of the media system. Closely linked to those informal structures of exp
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ectations which are path and time dependent, journalists’ room for manoeuvre is limited by the resources allocated to individual and collective media actors. In a first step and following Schimank’s approach, the article presents a category system that could drive the analysis of media freedom in Uganda and beyond. The empirical study is based on research material consisting of 30 expert interviews, two elite round tables on site in Uganda and documents. This material shows that both journalists’ working conditions and (related to this and even more important) their perception among the ruling elites, public administrations and those governed, limit media freedom. It is precisely the media’s relative societal position which allowed the government to implement a system of media laws and media regulation authorities which creates arbitrariness and, therefore, a feeling of insecurity within the profession." (Abstract)
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"This report details how Pakistan’s blasphemy laws violate human rights, both in their substance and their application – whether this is violations of human rights by the state, or abuses of the laws by non-state actors. The laws do not meet human rights standards and lack essential safeguards t
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o minimise the risk of additional violations and abuses. It is difficult to establish precise information on the number of blasphemy cases as there is limited available data. However, data provided by human rights groups the National Commission for Justice and Peace (NCJP) and the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) shows a large increase of cases since the 1980s. For example, according to NCJP, a total of 633 Muslims, 494 Ahmadis, 187 Christians and 21 Hindus have been accused under various provisions on offences related to religion since 1987." (Executive summary, page 10)
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