"As we stand now, Pakistan’s media continues its stratospheric expansion, but in the midst of curbs and controls and ongoing safety issues. Nepal, Bhutan and Sri Lanka are treading a precarious path to finding credible and independent spaces for the media against economic challenge and political c
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hange – one that has promisingly seen the return of journalist exiles in the case of Sri Lanka. Meanwhile, journalists in the world’s largest democracy in India are standing firm in the face of ongoing direct assaults, wage challenges and threats by governments, security forces and other political and religious powers. And sadly, Afghanistan has found itself in a new war on media as international support withdraws and the Taliban and the IS amplify their efforts at control as evidenced through the horrific suicide attack on Tolo TV workers in Kabul – the single deadliest attack on the country’s media. But perhaps nowhere has the battle for freedom of expression been as acute and brutal in the past year as Bangladesh. As we prepare to launch this report, there have been two more horrendous murders of individuals working to push the boundaries of free expression– blogger Nazimuddin Samad and editor Zulhaz Mannan. They are among seven bloggers and journalists killed in the last year and form part of a broader, sustained project of silencing being ruthlessly conducted by fundamentalists and extremists that have turned the country into a killing field for those who dare to speak with an alternate voice." (Foreword, page 4)
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"Seit der Unabhängigkeit 1991 ist in Kasachstan ein Mediensystem entstanden, das formal viele Gemeinsamkeiten mit den Mediensystemen in konsolidierten Demokratien aufweist. Die Verfassung garantiert Meinungs- und Pressefreiheit, auf dem Medienmarkt herrscht Vielfalt, das Internet gewinnt zulasten d
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er Printmedien an Bedeutung, und das Fernsehen erreicht nahezu jeden Haushalt. Doch tatsächlich ist die Lage anders. Der Staat kontrolliert und zensiert die Medien, die Pressefreiheit ist eingeschränkt, Medien haben kaum Zugang zu Informationen. Außerdem fehlen Organe der Selbstkontrolle der Presse oder eine Berufsvereinigung der Journalisten. Diese Strukturdefizite sollten behoben werden. Nötig wären freie Medien, die objektiv und umfassend informieren und den Bürgern Meinungsbildung zur Innen- und Außenpolitik Kasachstans ermöglichen. Davon würde auch die Staatsmacht profitieren." (Abstract)
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"This report outlines the international human rights standards and processes related the protection of freedom of expression and religious belief, and discusses regional trends and challenges. The nine country case studies include the stories of many people across the region struggling to defend fre
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edom of expression and promote an understanding of free expression that this is consistent with the expression of religious views. Some of the stories are horrifying – people are being killed for what they believe and say while exercising their rights to express that belief. It also provides an overview of the relevant laws and standards which impinge on people’s rights in each of these countries. It is a challenge to governments in the region to recognise their responsibility to protect the rights of their own citizens. The Jakarta Declaration set out in this report is a stirring declaration of the responsibilities, not just of governments but of all the relevant actors. It set out a clear path to the essential task of protecting rights to free expression in the region and ultimately, to the protection of religious belief itself." (Andrew Puddephatt, page 8)
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"For many years, the media development conversation regarding Cuba has largely focused on the country’s harsh censorship practices and other restrictions on freedom of expression. Those concerns remain. But with the opening of relations with the United States over the past two years, the conversat
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ion has widened. U.S. government and business interests have reengaged with Cuba, and the clock is highly unlikely to be rolled back. There is going to be more digital media in Cuba, and more Cubans are going to go online. The Internet will continue to advance, and the regime’s old monolithic message will become less possible to sustain. The future of journalism is impossible to predict in Cuba, other than to say it is bound to get better. The Cuban journalism of the future is likely to skew to online platforms." (Conclusion)
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"This guide aims to help correct the imbalance in capacity and expertise between human rights defenders and cybersecurity professionals and policy-makers. At the heart of the guide is an attempt to address perhaps the fundamental barrier: the absence of clear definitions and agreed terms. It will do
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this by closely examining three separate policy areas which are often conflated under the umbrella of cybersecurity – information security, cybercrime, and cyber conflict – unpacking their policy and legal dimensions, mapping relevant stakeholders, and outlining the issues at stake. It is hoped this will help human rights defenders engage effectively in cyber policy debates at the domestic, regional and international levels." (Overview, page 6)
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"Das Internet war in Russland lange ein Zufluchtsort der kritischen Öffentlichkeit. Hier gab es unabhängige Berichterstattung, als Zeitungen und Fernsehsender schon weitgehend auf Linie gebracht waren. Der Arabische Frühling und die Protestbewegung in Russland 2011/12 änderten dies. Das Putin-Re
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gime geht immer rigider gegen die Pressefreiheit im Internet vor. Es hat die Eingriffsmöglichkeiten der Aufsichtsbehörde Roskomnadzor erheblich ausgeweitet und Druck auf die großen Internetunternehmen ausgeübt, so dass sie der Installation von Überwachungs- und Sperrtechnik zustimmten. Mit dem System SORM wird seit 2015 nahezu der gesamte Datenverkehr überwacht. Um auch die freie Verbreitung von Informationen und Meinungen in den sozialen Netzwerken zu unterbinden, setzt der Kreml mittlerweile auf die direkte Einschüchterung." (Abstract)
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"Transformations in the Arab media landscape are a key element in the regional dynamics of political change. Where do the private owners of Arab media outlets stand on the scene? What part, if any, have they played in weakening dictatorships, countering sectarianism and political polarisation, and r
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eforming business practices in the Arab world? Arab Media Moguls charts the rise of some leading investors and entrepreneurs in Arab media, examining their motives, management styles, financial performance and links to political power. Responding critically to scholarship on Western moguls, this book uncovers the realities of risk and success for Arab media potentates and billionaires." (Publisher description)
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"Drawing from hegemonic notions of development statism, this article looks at the extent to which digital platforms have become viable alternatives to traditional electronic and print media in Ethiopia. I argue that, despite its potential to promote freedom of speech, the Ethiopian online sphere is
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systematically policed through state-sanctioned legal frameworks. Through analysis of an online survey, I also demonstrate how perceptions of users about online experiences show skepticism toward the role of the Ethiopian state in Internet monitoring." (Abstract)
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"Afghan journalists face threats from all sides: government officials exploiting weak legal protections to intimidate reporters and editors to compel them not to cover controversial topics; the Taliban and other insurgent groups using threats and violence to compel reporting they consider favorable;
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and police and justice officials letting threats, assaults, and even murders go uninvestigated and unprosecuted. Most of the threats come from individuals acting on behalf of powerful government officials or influential local actors, including militia leaders and so-called warlords. Violent attacks on journalists that go uninvestigated and unpunished reflect wider impunity and failure to establish the rule of law in Afghanistan. Afghan journalists often respond to the dangers with self-censorship. Many steer clear of reporting on sensitive issues—including corruption, land grabbing, violence against women, and human rights abuses—as a means to minimize safety risks. Kabul-based editors often avoid assigning stories that could put their reporters at significant risk. Editors and journalists told Human Rights Watch that self-censorship has become a survival mechanism for them. Those outside of the country’s main cities are especially vulnerable to reprisals from powerful individuals and groups because they are more exposed: they lack the protection provided by a larger Afghan media and international presence. The cultural and social conservatism of the provinces also contributes to the difficulty of reporting on controversial issues outside of the capital. The Taliban and other insurgent groups remain a potent source of intimidation and violence against journalists and media outlets. When the insurgency first emerged in 2002, journalists were among its early targets because the insurgents treated journalists as extensions of the Afghan government or Western military forces. However, in recent years, the Taliban and other insurgent groups have used the media as a propaganda platform, and actively court the press in their campaign against the government, including by pressuring reporters to cover their statements or not write articles deemed critical, sometimes with threats of violence. Female journalists in Afghanistan face particularly formidable challenges. In addition to the dangers facing all journalists, they must contend with social and cultural restrictions arising from being Afghan women in the workplace, which limit their mobility in urban as well as rural areas, and increase their vulnerability to sexual violence." (Summary, page 1-2)
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"This article examines media freedom in Indonesia, an age where the media landscape is being remade by convergence. Media scholars are debating the implications of this trend for media freedom, with some believing it is opening new possibilities for a greater range of voices to be heard and others i
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dentifying new threats it poses. The Indonesian case, where media freedom is viewed as threatened, shows how technological convergence has led to commercial convergence. This article explores how convergence is both contributing to and undermining media freedom in Indonesia. It will do so through an in-depth analysis of the current trends in the Indonesian media industry." (Abstract)
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"Egypt’s plummeting press freedom is in part a result of the many ways in which the state can put pressure on independent media under Egyptian law. While the January 2014 constitution contains clear protections for the media (including, under Article 71, bans on censorship and surveillance), many
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of the oppressive laws imposed under Mubarak remain in place. These include provisions against defamation, blasphemy, and promotion of extremism, and the list is growing longer. One pending draft law prohibits publication of information pertaining to the armed forces without permission, and violators would be subject to stiff new criminal penalties. Another draft law would criminalize publication of information that contradicts the government line in terrorism matters. In many cases, these repressive laws are backed up by violence. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) conservatively estimates that 10 journalists have been killed in connection with their work since 2011, and reports that a record number of journalists are sitting in Egyptian jails. Egypt has more than five hundred newspapers, magazines, journals, and other publications. While many of these titles are owned by the Egyptian state, many others are privately owned. Most publications struggle financially; the country’s economic collapse has forced both state and private newspapers to implement deep budget cuts, though as of 2014, no major news outlet was forced to close its doors. In addition to their lack of resources, independent news organizations suffer from a lack of advocates. Organizations charged with representing journalists’ interests before the government, such as the Egyptian Journalist Syndicate, are reliant on state funding and have consequently proven to be ineffective guardians of press freedom." (Overview, page 2)
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"A estrutura de oligopólio na televisão brasileira consolidou-se nos anos 80 e pouco variou até os dias de hoje, sendo marcada basicamente pelo estabelecimento de um sistema central de poucas redes nacionais privadas (Globo, SBT, Bandeirantes e Manchete, depois substituída pela RedeTV!) e tendo
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tido apenas a chegada da Record e da EBC como mudança representativa .. podemos concluir que um passo fundamental para a democratização da comunicação seria dado caso o Estado assumisse seu papel de regulador e garantidor de direitos. Existem leis e propostas que apontam no sentido da desconcentração, como a da regionalização da produção e do funcionamento efetivo de um Conselho Nacional de Comunicação, como lócus privilegiado de diálogo com os diferentes grupos sociais. Tais medidas, entretanto, não têm sido colocadas em prática." (Conclusão, página 20)
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"Der vorliegende Band widmet sich der beunruhigenden Lage der ägyptischen Medien. Er beschreibt Gleichschaltung und Zensur, er berichtet von Einschüchterungsversuchen der al-Sisi-, aber auch der Mursi-Regierung gegenüber in- und ausländischen Pressevertretern. Journalistinnen und Journalisten wu
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rden während der Ausübung ihres Berufes getötet oder in Gefängnisse gesteckt [...] In vielen demokratischen Ländern ist die Presse nur eine gesellschaftspolitische Arena von vielen. Anders in Ägypten, hier sind die Medien derzeit neben der Justiz und dem Sicherheitsapparat ein Hauptschlachtfeld der Machtausübung. Wer das 'Volksempfinden' beherrscht, braucht zum Beispiel kein gewähltes Parlament." (Vorwort, Seite 10-11)
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"La temporalidad del presente estudio comprende el periodo 2006-2015, que corresponde a los sexenios de Felipe Calderón Hinojosa y una parte del de Enrique Peña Nieto, periodo en el que, según muestran los informes de agencias nacionales e internacionales, la violencia contra los periodistas en e
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l contexto de la guerra declarada contra el narcotráfico se ha incrementado. La organización internacional Artículo 19 (2015), en su informe Estado de censura, ha contabilizado así las agresiones: mientras que hubo 1 092 agresiones en todo el sexenio de Felipe Calderón, en los dos primeros años del sexenio de Peña Nieto, éstas aumentaron 80%, reportándose 330 en 2013 y 326 en 2014. El estado de vulnerabilidad de los periodistas en México es grave y el riesgo de silenciar crecientemente la información es muy grande [...].
Cada uno de los capítulos presenta diferentes acercamientos a la(s) violencia(s) ejercida(s) contra y representadas en los medios, con distintos anclajes teóricos y metodológicos que, en su conjunto, ofrecen un amplio muestrario de cómo puede abordarse este problema. Aunque se apuntan diversos factores como desencadenadores de la violencia contra los periodistas, así como diferentes mediaciones para entender las representaciones de la violencia en los medios de los lugares estudiados, sí pueden señalarse elementos comunes. Por ello, concluyo este apartado con una cita del estudio introductorio de Mireya Márquez, en este mismo libro, la cual suscribo: [ ... ]es preciso comprender que el periodismo mexicano no se ve amenazado únicamente por la violencia criminal como un actor de poder aislado, sino que es amenazado por la violencia criminal en la medida en que el periodismo ha estado instrumentalizado desde su concepción por las diversas facciones en disputa por el poder, y de que no existe un andamiaje de protección de la profesión periodística en general ni su concepción como una ocupación profesional y autónoma." (Presentación, páginas 9-13)
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