"This edition of the Special Collection on the Case Law of Freedom of Expression: Case law on content moderation and freedom of expression is an update of the 2023 Special Collection on content moderation and freedom of expression. It includes cases that have been added to the database in the period
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from July 2023 to August 2024. These new cases include jurisprudence from Brazil, regional European courts, Germany, Japan, India, Italy, the Netherlands, and the United States of America. The cases show a variety of court decisions on content moderation in different parts of the world. In particular, many new decisions about the moderation of (health) misinformation were added to the database. Thus, a new section dedicated to claims requesting the reinstatement of content or accounts, that were removed for allegedly violating misinformation policies, was added (Section II.1.c). Certainly, content moderation reflects current tensions in society. For example, most of the misinformation cases that deal with the falsehood of objective information concern health information during the COVID-19 pandemic. Cases about wrong—and often defamatory—information about individuals are not classified as “misinformation” cases for the purposes of this paper. They are part of a more general section about the removal or reinstatement of content, considering they are at the core of what content moderation has been dealing with for decades. While the law of many jurisdictions around the world penalizes defamation to some (strongly varying) degree, the issue of whether “merely” objectively wrong information should be unlawful is more contested. Thus, the balancing exercises of courts around the world—when dealing with private content moderation decisions in this realm—provide valuable insights." (Introduction)
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"El presente informe detalla la información aportada durante la audiencia regional temática "Afectaciones al derecho a la libertad de expresión por medidas estatales de censura en las Américas" liderada por 25 organizaciones de la sociedad civil durante el 190° Período Ordinario de Sesiones de
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la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos (en adelante, “CIDH” o “la Comisión”). Las 25 organizaciones de la sociedad civil trabajan en siete países de América Latina: Argentina, Brasil, Colombia, El Salvador, Guatemala, México y Nicaragua. En distintos niveles, cada uno de estos países ha enfrentado en la actualidad o historia reciente contextos de limitación al ejercicio de los derechos fundamentales de libertad de prensa, libertad de expresión, el acceso a la información y el derecho a defender derechos humanos en relación con tales derechos. A pesar de las diferencias de contextos, hemos verificado una misma hoja de ruta diseñada y ejecutada para socavar la participación pública y la difusión de información relevante sobre los poderes públicos. Son estrategias de censura indirecta que se identifican y sirven a prácticas autoritarias que debilitan a los sistemas democráticos. En este contexto de mayor tendencia hacia gobiernos antidemocráticos, se evidencian tres tipos de censuras indirectas que generan preocupación y agudizan la amenaza de ejercicio libre de libertades básicas en un Estado democrático: i) estigmatizaciones; ii) formas de control social facilitadas por las nuevas tecnologías con capacidad de vigilancia; iii) la judicialización de la libertad de expresión sobre asuntos de interés público." (Introducción)
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"Das vorliegende Handbuch präsentiert erstmals den Stand der Zensurforschung aus einer interdisziplinären, transhistorischen und globalen Perspektive. Nach begrifflich-theoretischen Grundlagen werden zentrale Akteure und Handlungsfelder der Zensur behandelt: Politik, Religion, Wirtschaft, Kunst, M
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edien und Recht. Es folgt ein Überblick über die Zensurgeschichte von der Antike bis zum 21. Jahrhundert. In Beiträgen zu verschiedenen Weltregionen (Afrika, Asien, Australien, Nord-, Mittel- und Südamerika, West- und Osteuropa) werden die globalen Dimensionen von Zensur entfaltet. Abschließend geht es um aktuelle Kontroversen und Polemiken der Zensur, um Zensurnarrative und -debatten (z.B. über "Cancel Culture" und "Identitätspolitik")." (Verlagsbeschreibung)
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"Columbia Global Freedom of Expression seeks to strengthen freedom of expression worldwide by advancing the understanding of international and national norms and institutions that best protect the free flow of information and expression in an interconnected global community. We do so by sharing know
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ledge and standards through our Global Database of Freedom of Expression Case Law and by fostering dialogue among domestic, regional, international courts and other important stakeholders responsible for protecting freedom of expression." (Mission)
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"Este es un informe presentado en conjunto por las organizaciones mencionadas arriba. El objetivo del informe es presentar información y visibilizar ante el Consejo de Derechos Humanos de la ONU en Ginebra, durante el Examen Periódico Universal (EPU) a Nicaragua en 2024, las continuas violaciones
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a la libertad de expresión y al derecho de acceso a la información en el país, que se mantienen en la impunidad y que han tenido como consecuencia que no existan garantías para el ejercicio de este derecho." (Página 1)
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"We, the signatories of the appeal for the protection and support of community radio stations in the Sahel [...] call on the political authorities of the Sahel countries to combat impunity for crimes committed against community radio journalists by systematically opening investigations to ensure tha
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t these murders do not go unpunished; to break the silence on the fate and whereabouts of community radio journalists kidnapped by armed gangs and take action to secure their release; to help rebuild community radio premises destroyed by attacks and to support them in restoring their professional equipment; to provide community radio teams with security training; to recognise the importance of community radio stations as key players in the right to information in the Sahel in media legislation." (Pages 1-2)
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"Findings from the most recent Afrobarometer survey, in late 2022, show that most South Africans say the media should act as a watchdog over the government, constantly investigating and reporting on government mistakes and corruption. Citizens value media freedom and reject the notion that the gover
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nment should be able to prevent publications it disapproves of. Most citizens say the public and the media should have access to information held by public authorities, such as budgets and contracts. And a strong majority say South Africa’s media today is at least “somewhat” free. Television is the most popular news source in South Africa, but radio and social media also play a vital role, regularly providing news to more than seven in 10 citizens." (summary)
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"Hundreds of endangered journalists living in authoritarian or conflict countries are forced into exile each year. And the phenomenon is growing. How can we organize collectively to protect them, help them recover and keep on doing their job from the host country?" (Page 1)
"According to the most recent Afrobarometer survey, in late 2022, Emaswati broadly agree that the media should act as a watchdog over the government, exposing government missteps and wrongdoing. Citizens value media freedom and reject the notion that public information should be the exclusive preser
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ve of government officials. However, most believe that media freedom does not exist in practice in their country. Television and radio are the most popular news sources in Eswatini, but the Internet and social media are favoured, too, especially by youth, urban residents, and more educated citizens." (Summary, pages 1-2)
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"The press in Switzerland is mainly characterized by external pluralism, with more or less clearly aligned political positions in the case of some news outlets. In line with Hallin and Mancini's model, the public service media plays a significant role in Switzerland. Besides the public service media
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, there are several private and commercial broadcasters. In terms of press freedom, Switzerland currently holds the 12th position of the 2023 World Press Freedom Index by Reporters Without Borders. Generally, the Swiss media landscape offers a free, safe, and secure environment for reporters and journalists. The situation regarding news media and journalism in Switzerland is likely to grow more challenging as the economic context – in particular for the press – will be increasingly uncertain. Switzerland can be regarded as a country with favorable conditions for populist political communication due to its direct democratic and consociational political system." (Abstract)
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"This volume addresses the various historical, philosophical, political and cultural parameters of censorship and freedom of expression as well as current debates involving technology, journalism and media regulation. Geographically, temporally and culturally diverse accounts of censorship and freed
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om of expression are discussed through a broad range of perspectives and case studies. This Companion covers core principles and concerns in addition to more specialist and controversial debates, including those surrounding hate speech, holocaust denial, pornography and so-called “cancel culture”. The collection pays particular attention to the role of the media in both facilitating and suppressing freedom of expression." (Publisher description)
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"About three-quarters (76%) of Batswana say the media should "constantly investigate and report on government mistakes and corruption." A similar share (77%) insist on media freedom, while 20% say the government should have the right to prevent the publication of things it disapproves of. In particu
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lar, strong majorities endorse the proposition that specific types of information be made publicly available, including information regarding budgets and expenditures for local government councils (88%) and bids and contracts for government-funded projects or purchases (88%). Half (50%) of those surveyed support making the salaries of teachers and local government officials public. About half (49%) say the country's media is "somewhat free" or "completely free" to report and comment on the news without government interference. Radio is the most popular source of news in Botswana, used at least "a few times a week" by two-thirds (67%) of citizens. Social media (47%) and television (41%) beat out the Internet (36%) and newspapers (29%) as regular news sources." (Key findings)
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"The transformations in the media and political landscapes in Egypt over the last decade and their implications on media pluralism and freedom of expression are well documented. However, less is known about how Egyptian journalists themselves experience these changes; how their relationships with au
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thorities and ordinary citizens are being redefined, and how journalists’ routines and practices are evolving. Through interviews with twenty Egyptian journalists working for different types of media outlets (government-owned, independent, privately owned, opposition and new start-ups), this article records and analyses journalists’ experiences with both authorities and citizens amid the current transitional period, assessing to what extent these relationships and experiences are impacting journalism practices in Egypt. Findings reveal that journalists perceive a hostile stance from both officials and ordinary citizens towards journalists due to a common belief that journalists played a role in the removal of previous regimes and therefore are seen as “destabilising agents”. This prevents journalists from accessing both information and news sources, forcing journalists to produce unified content and practice self-censorship and “service journalism” as opposed to original and investigative stories. These challenges are discussed in light of research on media and democratic transition." (Abstract)
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"This volume presents an analytical and empirical overview of the array of issues that the Mexican media faces in the post-authoritarian age, which jointly explains how a partially accomplished democracy, its authoritarian inertias, and its unintended consequences hinder the democratic performance o
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f the media. This is analyzed from three points of view: the stalemate Mexican media system and ineffective regulations, the conditions of risk and insecurity of the journalists on the field, and the limits of freedom of expression, political substance, and inclusiveness of media content. A binational effort, with research from US and Mexican authors, a wide analytic perspective is provided on the macro, meso, and micro levels, allowing for a deep conceptual richness and a comprehensive understanding of the Mexican case. With leading researchers in the field, the volume revolves around the problems of the media in post-authoritarian democracies. By answering the questions of how and why the Mexican media has not fully democratized, the works encompassed here can resonate with and are relevant to other post-authoritarian countries and academic disciplines." (Publisher description)
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