"Journalism in Mexico has become a high-risk profession. With 137 journalists killed and 14 missing since the start of the “drug wars” there, Mexico has become the Latin American country with the most crimes against journalists (Rodríguez Olvera, 2011). Between 2000 and 2011, the National Commi
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ssion of Human Rights (CNDH. Mexico) reported 74 murders of journalists in Mexico (cited in Meneses, 2012); consequently, some international organizations placed it as the second most dangerous country to practice journalism (Meneses, 2012). They have become endangered observers of drug trafficking crimes when retaliation threatens their disappearance or murder. This reduces freedom of expression and freedom of the press, and threatens citizens’ right to be informed. Historically, journalists have performed their jobs under pressure, and have thus been dependent on the interests of the media. In Mexico, over the past decade, members of this profession have faced great risks in order to do their jobs in the midst of a war against drug trafficking." (Introduction)
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"This book sets forth the issues to be considered by the OSCE participating States when evaluating what they can do to improve the climate for journalists in their countries. It also provides a practical guide which presents the steps they can take to ensure a media-friendly environment." (https://w
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ww.osce.org/fom/85777)
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"Somaliland needs legal, policy and institutional reforms in order to avoid arbitrary and politically motivated interference with the dissemination of information and opinions to the public. This is the conclusion of one of the papers presented at the 4th Annual Conference organized by the Social Re
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search and Development Institute (SORADI). With a focus on media development, the conference in Hargeisa on August 24 and 25 [2013] brought together representatives from government institutions, policy makers, civil society as well as academics, journalists, international scholars, and traditional leaders to discuss, debate and exchange ideas on press freedom in Somaliland's young democracy. With 57 licensed newspapers, 8 TV stations, 108 news websites but only one public radio station the first contribution to the discussion centered on the media industry, its practices and the lack of enforcement of regulatory frameworks. Lessons from what the author of the second paper called "Africa's freedom of speech dilemma" guided the conversation on what there is to learn for Somaliland. Further afield, the third paper dealt with the role of the Diaspora in shaping the media landscape in Somaliland. As part of the discussion on professional media practices, the fourth presentation looked at challenges of Somaliland Universities to offer relevant studies programmes. Debating the intricate issue of balancing rights and responsibilities of media, the fifth paper looked at the performance of the media during the time of elections. The final paper summarised promises and challenges of media freedom in Somaliland." (https://ke.boell.org)
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"Internews’ research reveals a confluence of conditions in ASEAN that make the present time a critical moment for Freedom of Expression / Right to Information (FoE/RTI) interventions in the region. As donor support dwindles, and threats to FoE increase, there is a danger of a severe roll-back of t
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he rights and freedoms in the region that underpin thriving democracies. The backdrop to this scenario – ASEAN integration along with various other regional synergies – has created an opening for dialogue on key social issues such as FoE/RTI that connect countries within the region." (Conclusion)
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"Losing Control: freedom of the press in Asia takes us right up to the end of this tumultuous century. It deals with the Chinese media cranking up its latest propaganda campaign, this time against the Falun Gong. It discusses how the Indonesian media lost its way in reporting the tragedy in East Tim
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or. And it comments on how the Cambodian media-or at least parts of it-surprisingly reported the allegations that the Prime Minister's wife had her husband's movie star girlfriend assassinated. The book adopts a country-by-country approach dealing with all the countries in Northeast and Southeast Asia. It does not attempt to sweep across to the sub-continent. It would not be possible to do justice to any discussion of freedom of the press in that region by sandwiching it in between the pages of a book about East Asia. The methodology is based on an underlying assumption: that journalists are best placed to provide the most up-to-date analysis of their own industry. Where possible, local journalists have contributed the country chapters. In some cases a more useful outcome could be achieved by employing foreign correspondents and commentators. Authors have written their chapters using journalistic research tools, such as first hand interviews, as well as more conventional academic methods." (Page 14)
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"El libro que ahora tienen entre sus manos, resultado de meses de ardua coordinación e investigación en Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua y El Salvador, recoge con mucha preocupación la firme tendencia que existe en Centroamérica hacia una mayor concentración de la propiedad de los medios de comun
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icación en oligopolios mediáticos comerciales. Esta preocupación se vuelve más fuerte cuando los procesos de digitalización de las comunicaciones, ya emprendidos en estos países, apuntan a generar más concentración de medios en pocas empresas o familias, afectando directamente a la calidad de nuestra democracia. Los resultados que recogemos en este libro no presentan un panorama alentador, sobre todo porque las autoridades encargadas de conducir este proceso de transformación o convergencia tecnológica buscan digitalizar la radio y la televisión con los mismos marcos jurídicos que nos han llevado a la concentración de la propiedad de frecuencias en pocas manos. Esto no es bueno para la democracia centroamericana. Entonces, es urgente que nuestros gobiernos y legisladores/as enfoquen y le den un nuevo rumbo a la digitalización de las comunicaciones, que no es un asunto meramente técnico, sino pr ofundamente político, que tiene ver con el futuro de las nuevas generaciones en Centroamérica. Todavía estamos a tiempo de modificar este camino, amañado por las asociaciones y cámaras de radio y televisión, pues la multiplicación de canales o las frecuencias resultantes del dividendo digital deben ayudar a modificar el actual mapa de medios en la región." (Presentación, página I)
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"The Ethiopian government, led by the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), has developed one of the most restrictive systems for the regulation of new media in Africa. So far, most discussion has focused on the measures employed by the EPRDF to prevent the Internet and mobile p
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hones from becoming tools for opposition forces to challenge the regime. Much less attention has been paid to the strategies pursued in order to make new media work in support of the government's ambiguous but ambitious attempt to make Ethiopia a developmental state. Examining the period between 1991 and 2012, this article explores how the EPRDF gradually moved from a simple strategy of information control towards incorporating new media into its state- and nation-building efforts through large-scale projects such as Woredanet and Schoolnet. Larger trends at the international level, including the securitization of development and the growing significance of China in Africa, have legitimated the use of the media to serve development outcomes, and have facilitated the spread of the kind of ‘developmental media system’ that has emerged in Ethiopia. The article concludes that only by engaging with these systems on their own terms and “going with the grain” can we develop a better understanding of how they work and how to change them." (Abstract)
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"Official “soft censorship” (or “indirect government censorship”) describes an array of official actions intended to influence media output short of legal or extra-legal bans, direct censorship of specific content, or physical attacks on media outlets or media practitioners [...] A crucial f
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irst step in battling soft censorship is recognizing and exposing its existence. Investigations and analyses by media, civil society groups and academics are now using corporate reports, public documents, freedom of information requests, and wide-ranging interviews to reveal the extent of soft censorship in several countries. These findings are being transformed into advocacy that demands full transparency and fairness in allocation of all public funds for advertising and media support." (Abstract)
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"In a rapidly changing civil-political and socio-economic environment, the internet has emerged as one of the primary mechanisms that influence and continue to redefine the practice of democracy. Internet freedom is therefore an increasingly important safeguard towards advancing not only freedom of
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expression but the broader issues concerning access to information but also its associated rights. This module highlights the evolving exercise of free of expression in a digital world and how this has an influence on open, accountable and sustainable democracy in South Africa." (Preface)
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"Farida Nekzad leitet die Nachrichtenagentur Wakht in Afghanistan. Im Message-Interview erklärt sie, unter welchen Gefahr Journalistinnen in ihrem Land arbeiten und welche Medien Warlords bevorzugen." (Einleitung)
"Every year, several international organizations monitoring press freedom worldwide issue reports in which they underline the occupational hazards faced by journalists while reporting. Some African countries, such as Eritrea, Sudan, Somalia or Equatorial Guinea, have been regularly pinpointed at the
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bottom of these annual rankings. A few others (Cap Vert, Namibia, Niger, Ghana, South Africa) are crawling among the top 50 countries in the world. How do the indicators used by those organizations reveal a specific understanding of the professional practices and of the risks associated with it? Are they relevant to the reality of the daily practice of journalism on the African continent? Has this image led to particular measures aimed at preventing or self-regulating potential abuses in view of the risks incurred? Are there other ‘high-risk’ areas of the professional practice that these indicators fail to cover, and why? Starting from a reflection on the criteria used internationally to assess press freedom, and on the ‘risks’ associated with the profession, this article tries to show that the threats upon media professionals on the African continent are much more complex than those rankings and their indicators would suggest." (Abstract)
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"This article essentially shows how the development of commercial television in Indonesia has conflicted with the country’s media democratization, as illustrated by the growth of local media in the past 15 years. Compared to print media and radio, which are decentralized, Indonesia’s television
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industry is dominated by five large media corporations that are all based in the capital city of Jakarta. As a consequence, this fails to leave much growing space to television stations at a local level, which would be needed to strengthen Indonesia’s democratization. Media owners have successfully influenced the government in establishing a set of policies that sustain their dominance of the industry. Players within the television industry have even successfully swayed the direction of the broadcasting decentralization mandated by the Broadcasting Bill during Indonesia’s early political Reform period. The influence of these ‘Jakarta television stations’ stunted the development of television stations outside of Jakarta. Not only it deprives local actors of the economic value of developing their own television industry would bring, it also has resulted in the the loss of television's potential in functioning as a public sphere facilitating social control over democratic processes. Although the Reform era promised a new age of media democratization, the centralization of commercial television actually worsened media monopolies that were thought to have been done away with in post-Suharto Indonesia." (Abstract)
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