"This report demonstrates the soft censorship and corrupting influence that unconstrained official advertising exerts on Mexico’s media. These practices negatively impact media quality, limit freedom of expression, violate the right to public information, and stifle public debate that is essential
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to democracy. Mexico’s governments and some media outlets continue to preserve this symbiotic status quo that serves their economic and political interests. The country’s political leaders and some media owners must be made accountable for such abuses. Until these practices are changed, many Mexican media will remain tools of politicians and special interests, rather than independent watchdogs and platforms for democratic debate." (Conclusion, page 31)
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"Brasilien hat mehr als einen Berlusconi: Zehn Familien kontrollieren die Medienlandschaft. Politische und wirtschaftliche Interessen sind eng miteinander verzahnt. Alle Versuche, das zu ändern, sind bislang gescheitert." (Einleitung)
"Given that over half the revenues of global newspaper publishing come from advertising (80% in the US and 57% in OECD countries, OECD, 2010), we study how media firms internalize the effect of their own coverage on advertisers' sales and hence on their own advertising revenues. We show, within a fr
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amework of non-localized, Hotelling-type competition among arbitrary numbers of media firms and outlets, that (i) topics sensitive to advertisers can be underreported by all outlets in the market, (ii) underreporting tends to increase with the concentration of ownership, and (iii) adding outlets, while keeping the number of owners fixed, can further increase the bias. We argue that self-censorship can potentially cover a wide range of topics and generate empirically large externalities." (Abstract)
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"Since the “Green Movement” protests in 2009, the Iranian regime has adopted increasingly complex surveillance and monitoring techniques, complementing technical filtration tools with legal frameworks and information manipulation. These techniques of control overlap: technical filtering is reinf
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orced by a more constricted legal environment and efforts to “nationalize” Iranian cyberspace. »» ONI testing over the past several years has revealed consistent filtering of websites pertaining to social media, international news channels, non-Shi’ite religions, social and religious taboos, and anything remotely opposed to official government policies. The creation of a “Supreme Council on Cyberspace” indicates the Iranian government’s interest in centralizing their approach towards the Internet as well as their view of cyberspace as a larger security concern. Internet censorship in Iran—culminating in the National Information Network—is framed as a way to protect the nation’s unique culture and identity and defend against the onslaught of Westernization. The Iranian regime considers cyberspace a geopolitical as much as a domestic policy realm. Surveillance and censorship are simultaneously tools of suppression and a means of national defence." (Key findings, page 3)
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"This report represents an effort to help with the process of evaluating media laws in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries. As governments consider what policies to set up to deal with new realities, this research should help provide an understanding of the current landscape. When examining
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this landscape, we examined several elements that can affect journalism and free expression in any nation: penal codes, media laws, regulatory bodies and the overall effect of these specifics. At times, we also address how similar problems are handled in countries with greater protections for the press. Every nation, of course, has struggled with these issues—how to empower journalists to fulfill their duty while also protecting individuals and the society from potential harm. No reform of journalism can occur solely from within the ranks of the profession. Local media law, court rulings and other government oversight greatly affect the type of journalism practiced. To create an environment in which journalists can fulfill their societal duty will require a revision of the laws that govern them." (Introduction, page 9)
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"The Freedom of Expression Toolkit is UNESCO’s contribution to freedom of expression and it is written with upper high school students in mind. The Toolkit covers the major concepts and issues and it is written in an easy to understand, conversational manner [...] Overall, the Toolkit consists of
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four major elements: Understanding freedom of expression; Identifying threats to freedom of expression; Identifying conditions favourable to freedom of expression; Doing one’s part in promoting and defending freedom of expression through practical activities." (Introduction, page 9-10)
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"This document provides the United Nations Implementation Strategy 2013-2014 of the UN Plan of Action on The Safety of Journalists and the Issue of Impunity (hereafter referred to as the UN Plan). In addition to the Strategy, there is a detailed Work-Plan to put the Strategy into place." (Introducti
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on, page 2)
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"International law provides robust general protection for freedom of expression, including freedom of the media, and this has been subject to detailed elaboration by international human rights courts and other official bodies tasked with promoting human rights globally and regionally. For the media,
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some of the key implications of the right to freedom of expression are that the media should only be regulated where this is necessary to serve an overriding social interest and that such regulation should be undertaken only by bodies which are protected against political and commercial interference. Furthermore, an important goal of media regulation should be to foster and promote diversity in the media. International law also places clear limits on restrictions on what may be published or broadcast through the media, while also imposing a positive obligation on States to put in place systems to ensure that individuals can access information held by public bodies. All of the countries in the Arab world are in serious breach of all or most of these standards. While there has been some progress recently, particularly in terms of respect for freedom of expression in practice, the need for comprehensive media law reform in the region remains pressing and very substantial. Unless structural protection for media freedom is provided through law reform efforts, it is extremely unlikely that any gains in respect for freedom of expression will be lasting." (Conclusion, page 64)
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"This report examines whether and how furthering Internet freedom can empower civil society vis-à-vis public officials, make the government more accountable to its citizens, and integrate citizens into the policymaking process. Using case studies of events in 2011 in Egypt, Syria, China, and Russia
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, researchers focus on the impact of Internet freedom on freedom of assembly, freedom of expression, and the right to cast a meaningful vote, all of which are the key pillars of political space. Researchers analyze the mechanisms by which Internet freedom can enhance the opportunities to enjoy these freedoms, how different political contexts can alter the opportunities for online mobilization, and how, subsequently, online activism can grow out into offline mobilization leading to visible policy changes. To provide historical context, researchers also draw parallels between the effects of Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty programs in the Soviet Union during the Cold War and the ongoing efforts to expand Internet freedom for all. The report concludes by discussing implications for the design of Internet freedom programs and other measures to protect “freedom to connect." (Back cover)
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"Das Fernsehen ist für die Menschen in Russland die wichtigste politische Informationsquelle. Nach einer kurzen Periode der Freiheit Anfang der 1990er Jahre ist es erneut zum zentralen Pfeiler geworden, auf den die Staatsorgane ihre Macht stützen. Die drei größten Kanäle Perwyj Kanal, Rossija u
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nd NTV werden landesweit kostenlos ausgestrahlt und gehören entweder direkt dem Staat oder kremlnahen Oligarchen und Konzernen. Die Monopolstellung der staatlichen Sender stützt sich auf ein noch aus sowjetischer Zeit stammendes Übertragungssystem, das fast alle Haushalte des riesigen Landes erreicht. Unabhängige Medien, die sich mit teilweise scharfer Kritik an den Machthabern profilieren, erreichen hingegen nur einen sehr geringen Teil der Bevölkerung. Auf dem Fernsehmarkt ist dies einzig der Privatsender TV Doschd, der sich im Dezember 2012 vergeblich darum bemühte, in das landesweite Übertragungssystem aufgenommen zu werden. Er ist nur über einige Kabelnetze und Satelliten sowie über das Internet zu empfangen. Online-Angebote wie die von TV Doschd oder der kritischen Internetzeitungen lenta.ru und gazeta.ru erreichen weniger als ein Prozent der Bevölkerung. Ähnliches gilt für die im Ausland bekannte kremlkritische Zeitung Nowaja Gaseta und den Radiosender Echo Moskwy. Solange diese Medien nur ein begrenztes Publikum erreichen, liegt ihre Existenz im Interesse des Kreml: Sie können im Ausland als Beleg für die Medienfreiheit angeführt werden, im Inland wirken sie als Ventil für Unzufriedenheit und Kritik. Zur gleichen Zeit versorgen die kremlfreundlichen Nachrichten der staatlichen Fernsehsender die Bevölkerung mit der offiziell genehmigten Version dessen, was in Russland und der Welt passiert." (Zusammenfassung)
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"Esta investigación, en líneas generales, ha permitido establecer que la televisión es el medio preferido para informarse y está situada en los extremos de la credibilidad: se le cree o no se le cree. La población se informa principalmente para 'estar al tanto' e interrelacionarse y de manera s
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ecundaria para ejercer sus derechos ciudadanos. El trabajo de los periodistas es mejor valorado que la calidad de las noticias. Los periodistas de los medios nacionales son mejor valorados que los que trabajan en los medios locales. El Derecho a la Información y la Comunicación aún no está suficientemente posicionado y sólo es conocido de forma parcial." La consulta ciudadana se llevó a cabo en todas las capitales departamentales del país y la ciudad de El Alto, mediante la aplicación de un cuestionario a las personas mayores de 18 años que acudieron voluntariamente a responderlo (3.150 personas). "Dado que la consulta no fue aplicada según muestreo probabilístico, sus resultados no son estadísticamente representativos; sin embargo, sí son válidos como expresión de las percepciones de sectores de la población urbana del país interesados en la situación actual de la información y la comunicación." (Conclusiones, página 34)
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"Freedom House has conducted a comprehensive study of internet freedom in 60 countries around the world. This report is the fourth in a series and focuses on developments that occurred between May 2012 and April 2013. The previous edition, covering 47 countries, was published in September 2012. 'Fre
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edom on the Net 2013' assesses a greater variety of political systems than its predecessors, while tracing improvements and declines in the countries examined in the previous editions. Over 70 researchers, nearly all based in the countries they analyzed, contributed to the project examining laws and practices relevant to the internet, testing the accessibility of select websites, and interviewing a wide range of sources. Of the 60 countries assessed, 34 have experienced a negative trajectory since May 2012." (Page 2)
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"Access to information, freedom of expression and an independent media are important for a sustainable future. They should be explicitly included in a future framework describing UN development goals for the years beyond 2015. We discuss two options: firstly, integration of “information access and
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freedom of expression” as one of the new Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). And secondly, “good governance” as a new goal in which transparency, accountability and free media are considered." (Abstract)
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