"State capture is slowly but surely enveloping Hungarian media, principally through the “soft censorship” of financial incentives and influence that affect media otlets’ editorial content and economic viability. Allocation of state advertising spending is opaque and unfair; it is based on the
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political leanings of particular media outlets, and this distorts market competition significantly. Biased advertising spending influences editorial policies in an indirect way, creating a newsroom atmosphere in which editors accept and journalists practice self-censorship. Market competition among media agencies is clearly distorted by the biased award of state contracts. Legal regulations and financial practices of Hungary’s current public-media financing permit improper state influence over public media and fail to comply with European Commission requirements regarding state support for public-service media." (Key findings, page 6)
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"In the last few years, Russia has become an important player in the international internet governance debate, pushing for a governance model that is state-centric, hierarchical and based on the inviolability of state sovereignty. Russia has not only articulated an alternative model at forums like t
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he World Conference on International Telecommunications (WCIT), it has formed alliances with states such as China and Saudi Arabia, who share its vision. Russia’s views on internet governance stem from security concerns about the potential of independent information to harm its state and society, as well as from a normative aversion to what it views as US domination of internet governance. Russia favours the UN and particularly ITU as the organisation best suited for ultimately settling questions of governance." (Summary, page 6)
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"Stories of journalists entering conflict zones without basic equipment or first aid training are all too familiar; so too are reports of news outlets washing their hands of responsibility regarding commissioned freelancers. This needs to change, and it can, so long as enough voices in the industry
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back initiatives to implement minimum working standards. This was the objective of a retreat for international journalists who have reported from Syria since conflict broke out in early 2011: to produce a set of minimum professional and safety standards for journalists reporting from conflict zones and their employers, drawing on their experiences and challenges in the field. What follows is an outline of a series of discussions held over the three-day retreat among some 45 journalists, photographers and filmmakers, which led to the production of a minimum standards document. Participants discussed their greatest personal, security and professional challenges faced when reporting from Syria, including experiences with kidnappings, news blackouts, computer encryption, cultural sensitivity and post-traumatic stress disorder. Their recommendations are outlined in the “Minimum Working Standards for Journalists in Conflict Zones” (appendix 1) and “Recommendations to Press Freedom Organisations” (appendix 2)." (Executive summary)
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"The objective of the press freedom mission conducted by the Vienna-based South East Europe Media Organisation (SEEMO), an affiliate of the International Press Institute (IPI), was to the assess the media situation in Montenegro following several developments: a) the introduction of new media-relate
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d laws, including decriminalisation of defamation and libel; b) follow-up of the activities related to attacks on journalists, including the 2004 assassination of Dusko Jovanovic, editor-in-chief of the daily Dan; c) fact-finding about pressures on media; and e) evaluation of the steps taken towards the establishment of self-regulatory bodies." (Commentary)
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"For more than half a century, North Korea’s leaders have relied on a domestic media monopoly to control what information North Koreans can access and how narratives around that information are presented. But the situation on the ground is changing, thanks in large part to North Koreans’ expandi
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ng access to unsanctioned foreign media and information sources. InterMedia’s A Quiet Opening: North Koreans in a Changing Media Environment documents this evolution based on research among recent North Korean defectors, refugees and travelers abroad. The project’s assessment of the current state of the media environment in North Korea suggests that substantial numbers of North Koreans are able to access various forms of foreign media. These include foreign TV and radio broadcasts, and particularly foreign DVDs brought into the country from China by cross-border traders and smugglers. Other vectors for information from abroad include smuggled mobile phones capable of receiving foreign signals, and the exchange of illicit foreign content on otherwise legal MP3/MP4 players and USB drives." (www.audiencescapes.org, June 18, 2012)
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The following report documents the findings of a delegation comprised of representatives from six international rights groups (three members and three partners of the International Freedom of Expression Exchange, IFEX), which carried out a fact-finding mission between 20-30 November, 2011, in order
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to gain an understanding of the state of free expression and the status of human rights defenders in Bahrain. The 11 recommendations made in this report include calls to end the harassment, imprisonment and prosecution of Bahraini citizens for what essentially amount to persecution of free expression and legitimate human rights work.
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"Ongoing political turmoil produced uneven conditions for press freedom in the Middle East in 2012, with Tunisia and Libya largely retaining their gains from 2011 even as Egypt slid backward into the Not Free category. The region as a whole experienced a net decline for the year, in keeping with a b
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roader global pattern in which the percentage of people world wide who enjoy a free media environment fell to its lowest point in more than a decade. Among the more disturbing developments in 2012 were dramatic declines for Mali, significant deterioration in Greece, and a further tightening of controls on press freedom in Latin America, punctuated by the decline of two countries, Ecuador and Paraguay, from Partly Free to Not Free status." (Introduction)
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"This article examines the complexity of the internet control mechanisms in China by breaking it down to five layers, ranging from the government, service and content providers to webmasters and individual users. It inquires into the logic of the control mechanisms and how such logic is naturalized
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into organizations and individuals' everyday practices. It shows the dynamic between proactive, synchronized and reactive strategies and how the relationship between these components evolves in different phases. Through comparative online ethnography of the two most prominent Chinese forums located in China and the USA, QQ and MIT BBS, data analyses and interviews with regulators and content providers, this article aims at locating internet control in the historical trajectory and the socio-cultural specificity of China. More importantly, it reveals the effectiveness of these control mechanisms and the implications for the average internet user's everyday life." (Abstract)
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"Seit 2001 wird der »Preis für die Freiheit und Zukunft der Medien « an Journalisten, Verleger, Publizisten und Institutionen vergeben, die sich mit Risikobereitschaft, Engagement und demokratischer Überzeugung für die Pressefreiheit einsetzen. Diese Zwischenbilanz stellt die bisherigen Preistr
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äger in Porträts vor und versammelt Interviews zur Zukunft des Journalismus, u. a. mit US-Enthüllungsreporter Seymour Hersh, Kriegsfotograf James Nachtwey, stern-Autor Hans-Martin Tillack sowie dem Schriftsteller Erich Loest." (Klappentext)
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"The improvements in the Arab world were the most significant findings of Freedom of the Press 2012: A Global Survey of Media Independence, the latest edition of an annual index published by Freedom House since 1980. The gains came on the heels of eight consecutive years of decline in the global ave
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rage press freedom score, a phenomenon that has affected practically every region in the world. Furthermore, they were accompanied by positive changes in several key countries outside the Middle East and North Africa: Burma, Indonesia, the Philippines, Thailand, and Zambia. Other countries that registered progress include Georgia, Nepal, Niger, Sierra Leone, and Togo. Three of the countries with major gains—Burma, Libya, and Tunisia—had for many years endured media environments that were among the world’s most oppressive. Both Libya and Tunisia made single-year leaps of a size practically unheard of in the 32-year history of the report. At the same time, press freedom continued to face obstacles and reversals in many parts of the world. China, which boasts the world’s most sophisticated system of media repression, stepped up its drive to control both old and new sources of news and information through arrests and censorship. Other authoritarian powers—such as Russia, Iran, and Venezuela—resorted to a variety of techniques to maintain a tight grip on the media, detaining some press critics, closing down media outlets and blogs, and bringing libel or defamation suits against journalists." (Page 1)
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"In China as elsewhere, netizens have made new demands upon government and challenged conventional media to respond to popular concerns. Established approaches to controlling the media may be otiose; Party leaders are stressing the value of cooperation rather than confrontation and calling for a new
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relationship between media and authority. This article examines how the department of a city government traditionally tasked with controlling the media and shaping opinion is seeking to come to terms with the calls from the centre and, in the process, think up a different kind of relationship with the media. From dealings with press officers over four years, the authors identify a reflective and dynamic response to the present challenges. The respondents speculate that arrangements being put in place to deal with the new media environment may change fundamentally the relationships between authority and citizen, and the authors evaluate this." (Abstract)
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"Deadly, unpunished violence against the press rose sharply in Pakistan and Mexico, continuing a dark, years-long trend in both nations, the Committee to Protect Journalists has found in its newly updated Impunity Index. The global index, which calculates unsolved journalist murders as a percentage
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of each country’s population, shows that Pakistani authorities routinely fail to bring prosecutions in journalist murders, including several with suspected government links, while Mexican officials are yet to effectively combat the murderous crime groups targeting news media in vast parts of the nation [...] CPJ’s index found improving conditions in Colombia and Nepal, along with a long-term decline in deadly, antipress violence in Bangladesh that caused that country to drop off the list entirely. But the four worst nations in combating journalist murders—Iraq, Somalia, the Philippines, and Sri Lanka—showed virtually no sign of progress." (Page 2)
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