"This paper reviews recent events and legal developments related to the Internet and social media in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. They include legislation extending libel laws to online communications, blocking of oppositional and independent websites, and punishi
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ng journalists who report or comment for online media." (Introduction)
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"Turning the tide on the killing of journalists involves several steps, but primarily it is a matter of having the political will to acknowledge the issue as important and ending the impunity for those responsible for the violence. These steps include: following through on making attacks on the medi
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a, particularly murders, a federal rather than a state or local crime, in order to remove the investigations from often corrupt or intimidated local law enforcement groups. This fundamental legal change would be significant in ending the cycle of impunity and the botched investigations that currently feed the violence; strengthening the special prosecutor’s office, with additional funding and staff, to more effectively go after those accused of these crimes; forming a common front in the media to tackle the problems of security for journalists and the risks of reporting on transnational organized crime; persuading national opinion leaders to speak out about the violence and its impact on society; targeting international aid specifically for the protection of journalists." (Executive summary, page 6-7)
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"Instead of defining a priori the types of websites to be included in a national web, the approach put forward here makes use of web devices (platforms and engines) that purport to provide (ranked) lists of URLs relevant to a particular country. Once gathered in such a manner, the websites are studi
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ed for their properties, following certain of the common measures (such as responsiveness and page age), and repurposing them to speak in terms of the health of a national web: Are sites lively, or neglected? The case study in question is Iran, which is special for the degree of Internet censorship undertaken by the state. Despite the widespread censorship, we have found a highly responsive Iranian web. We also report on the relationship between blockage, responsiveness and freshness, i.e., whether blocked sites are still up, and also whether they have been recently updated. Blocked yet blogging portions of the Iranian web show strong indications of an active Internet censorship circumvention culture. In seeking to answer, additionally, whether censorship has killed content, a textual analysis shows continued use of language considered critical by the regime, thereby indicating a dearth of self-censorship, at least for websites that are recommended by the leading Iranian platform, Balatarin." (Abstract)
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"Concerns are growing in Asia about offensive and extremist material on the internet. New laws have been passed to remedy this, but they have collided with the ways that search engines, social networks and internet cafes run their operations. These service providers have therefore been resisting cal
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ls for self-censorship, which is often technically difficult, too. And the media are worried that press freedom and freedom of speech will be put at risk. The threat of retribution could lead to even more content disappearing from the Web than is actually stipulated by law." (Introduction)
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"The article explores the relationship between democratic governance and the free and independent press in The Gambia since the inception of the Gambian First Republic in 1970. It supports the rights-based approach which perceives the issues of democracy, good governance, and a free and independent
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press as related to the concept of human rights and fundamental freedoms. Put differently, a free and independent press is not only a mirror of good governance, but also one of the essential elements of democratic governance. This article represents a modest contribution to the existing literature on the questions of governance, democracy, press freedom and human rights, with particular reference to The Gambia." (Abstract)
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"This report reviews the situation in which media operate in the Middle East, specifically in Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon and Syria, and also including a short section on Tunisia [...] Part 1 explores the historical development of the media in the region, outlines their structural environment, and
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probes practices of censorship and self-censorship. Part 2 looks into those developments of the past decades that have affected the monopoly on information by states and the access to information on the part of the public. Part 3 critically examines the function of guidelines for good journalistic practices in the region, and provides some samples of codes of ethics. Part 4 presents an overview of the recent situation of the media and freedom of expression in the region and provides some historical background. In general, this part seeks to survey the existing media, including the press, radio and television, the Internet, as well as media legislation in the individual countries. Due to specific local circumstances, some of the country sections are however structured in a slightly different manner. Part 5 compiles select training opportunities for journalists, as well as organizations and projects that are committed to networking, monitoring, advocacy and legal aid." (Foreword, page 8)
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"This report is the third in a series of comprehensive studies of internet freedom around the globe and covers developments in 47 countries that occurred between January 2011 and May 2012. Over 50 researchers, nearly all based in the countries they analyzed, contributed to the project by researching
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laws and practices relevant to the internet, testing the accessibility of select websites, and interviewing a wide range of sources. This year's findings indicate that restrictions on internet freedom in many countries have continued to grow, though the methods of control are slowly evolving, becoming more sophisticated and less visible. Brutal attacks against bloggers, politically motivated surveillance, proactive manipulation of web content, and restrictive laws regulating speech online are among the diverse threats to internet freedom emerging over the past two years. Nevertheless, several notable victories have also occurred as a result of greater activism by civil society, technology companies, and independent courts, illustrating that efforts to advance internet freedom can yield results." (www.freedomhouse.org, January 14, 2013)
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"De Honduras se habla poco, salvo cuando hay huracanes o golpes de Estado. Y de las emisoras populares hondureñas se habla menos, se conoce nada. Por eso, cuando las compañeras y compañeros de Radio Progreso me invitaron a relatar lo que vivieron aquel trágico 28 de junio 2009, no dudé en acept
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ar el desafío. Fui a El Progreso, grabadora en mano, con ganas de escuchar lo vivido cuando los militares, ordenados por el golpista Micheletti, clausuraron la radio. Para mi sorpresa, me contaron de un primer cierre, en 1979, durante los tiempos duros de la Seguridad Nacional. Y me contaron más, de cuando la huelga grande contra las bananeras gringas. Porque Radio Progreso está enclavada en la ciudad que fue el epicentro de esta insurrección sindical que cambió la vida del país. Tenía pocos días y eran muchos los testimonios y las anécdotas. Grabé muchas horas, conversé con casi todos los colegas de la emisora y con algunos antiguos trabajadores. Como siempre pasa, quedaron entrevistas pendientes. Es que la vida nunca cabe en un libro. En el relato hay expresiones muy catrachas que sólo se entenderán en las tierras de Morazán. No hace falta explicarlas. La imaginación es suficiente. Hay diálogos donde no pongo quiénes hablan. Tampoco es necesario. El protagonismo es de todo el equipo de la radio. Radio Progreso lleva cincuenta y cinco años acompañando al pueblo pobre del norte de Honduras, luchando por sus derechos. Cincuenta y cinco años siendo coherente con la revolución del Reino de Dios, la que predicó un tal Jesús de Nazaret, olvidado por tantas iglesias que dicen representarlo. Más de medio siglo. Se dice pronto. Cuando acabé de redactar el testimonio, me vinieron a la mente los versos de Brecht. Me atrevo a glosarlos diciendo que hay emisoras que luchan un día y son buenas. Hay otras que luchan un año y son mejores. Hay las que luchan muchos años y son muy buenas. Pero hay las que luchan toda la vida: ésas son las imprescindibles." (Unas palabras antes, página 3)
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"The human rights situation in Venezuela has become more precarious since 2008, when Human Rights Watch released its last report on Venezuela, A Decade Under Chávez. The pro-Chávez majority in the National Assembly has passed legislation expanding the government’s powers to limit free speech and
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to punish its critics. The Supreme Court—packed with Chávez supporters in 2004 and re-packed in 2010—has openly rejected its role as an independent check on presidential power, while joining with the president in dismissing the authority of the Inter-American system of human rights. The accumulation of power in the executive, the removal of institutional safeguards, and the erosion of human rights guarantees have given the Chávez government free rein to intimidate, censor, and punish Venezuelans who “offend” the president or obstruct his political aims. Tightening the Grip documents the abuses, showing how President Hugo Chávez and his supporters have made ample use of these powers over the past four years in a wide range of cases, with negative consequences for judicial independence, media freedom, and civil and political rights." (Back cover)
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"In the bleak press rights territory of post-Soviet Central Asia, domestic and international nong-overnmental organisations, foreign governments, news outlets, and multinational entities such as the Organization for Cooperation and Security in Europe (OSCE) and UNESCO monitor constraints on the pres
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s. They also protest censorship and decry journalists‘arrests, prosecutions, harassment, and murders." (Abstract)
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"For two years running, Pakistan has been ranked by international media monitors as the most dangerous place on earth for journalists. Media workers have been kidnapped, tortured, and beaten to death for delving into the nation’s potent military apparatus and spy agencies. Bodies have been found w
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ith throats slit and flesh punctured with electric drills by Islamic militants, political extremists, and gangsters who take umbrage at what they write." (Abstract)
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"This article appraises the general state of investigative journalism in seven Pacific Island countries—Cook Islands, Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Samoa, Solomon Islands, Tonga and Vanuatu—and asserts that the trend is not encouraging. Journalism in general, and investigative journalism in particular
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, has struggled due to harsher legislation as in military-ruled Fiji; beatings and harassment of journalists as in Vanuatu; and false charges and lawsuits targeting journalists and the major newspaper company in the Cook Islands. Corruption, tied to all the major political upheavals in the region since independence, is also discussed. Threats to investigative journalism, like the ‘backfiring effect’ and ‘anti-whistleblower’ law are examined, along with some investigative journalism success case studies." (Abstract)
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"The prevailing consumerism in Chinese cyberspace is a growing element of Chinese culture and an important aspect of this book. Chinese bloggers, who have strongly embraced consumerism and tend to be apathetic about politics, have nonetheless demonstrated political passion over issues such as the We
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stern media’s negative coverage of China. In this book, Jiang focuses upon this passion — Chinese bloggers’ angry reactions to the Western media’s coverage of censorship issues in current China — in order to examine China’s current potential for political reform. A central focus of this book, then, is the specific issue of censorship and how to interpret the Chinese characteristics of it as a mechanism currently used to maintain state control. While Cyber-Nationalism in China examines fundamental questions surrounding the political implications of the Internet in China, it avoids simply predicting that the Internet does or does not lead to democratization. Applying a theoretical approach based on the Foucauldian notion of governmentality, the book builds on current scholarship that has attempted to move beyond examining the dynamics of the socio-cultural and political use of new media technologies." (Publisher description)
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"Even though Indonesia has entered a new era of democracy and press freedom, self-censorship still exists in the professional practice of many Indonesian newspaper journalists. Indonesia has a long history of censorship, particularly pressure from the government encouraging journalists to self-censo
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r their work. As such, self-censorship has been encouraged and promoted through the institutionalised and internalised values of many Indonesian newspaper publications. Through interviews with journalists who work for new and re-established newspapers in Indonesia, this article will explain how the practice has evolved, and how it persists today. While the main agent of pressure during Indonesia's New Order regime was the government, today the owners of newspapers are powerful figures who exert their influence and hinder the autonomy of Indonesian journalists." (Abstract)
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