"The Initiative on Impunity and the Rule of Law is a global project of the Centre for Freedom of the Media (CFOM) at the University of Sheffield and the Centre for Law, Justice and Journalism (CLJJ) at City University, London. Our aims are to provide an independent platform to assess the effectivene
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ss of existing legal, political and institutional safeguards against violence directed at journalists because of their professional work; and to present the case for more effective international mechanisms to counter such crimes of violence and to end impunity." (Abstract)
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"On 26 January 2011, UNESCO hosted the second International Symposium on Freedom of Expression at its Paris headquarters. The Swedish National Commission for UNESCO sponsored the conference. The symposium brought together individuals and organisations linked to the field of journalism and sparked no
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t only debate and discussion on the future of freedom of expression, but also fostered dialogue between civil society and governments – an exchange that UNESCO will continue to support. The symposium consisted of three main sessions devoted to The Status of Press Freedom Worldwide, Freedom of Expression on the Internet, and Press Freedom and the Safety of Journalists. The conference was opened by UNESCO Director-General Irina Bokova, and the Swedish Minister for European Affairs, Birgitta Ohlsson, spoke on the role of free speech and government accountability. The UN Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression, Frank La Rue, gave the keynote address, calling attention to the impact of new technologies on the field of journalism and the importance of promoting freedom of access alongside freedom of speech. The symposium was moderated by Helge Rønning, Professor of Media Studies at the University of Oslo. He made the opening remarks at each of the sessions." (Page 111)
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"The article explores the case of Radio Ndeke Luka, a UN-backed peace radio in the Central African Republic. It investigates whether government intimidation influences the radio’s public watchdog role and, if so, in what ways and to what extent, and whether and how the support of a European NGO an
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d the UN influence the impact of the intimidation. The conceptual framework for framing these questions is established by applying the media watchdog theory to processes of democratisation and interweaving it with peace-oriented media and Althusserian theory. The empirical data are gained through twelve semi-structured individual telephone interviews with journalists, an editorial delegate, local civil society representatives, a former diplomat and the Central African Minister of Justice. The study shows that government intimidation does not transform Radio Ndeke Luka into a lapdog but significantly reduces its bite. It is argued that protecting journalists from intimidation so that they can best act as watchdogs not only requires long-term efforts to change cultures and systems that breed press violence, but also necessitates new approaches that may lead to faster and smaller scale results." (Abstract)
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"Unlike most nations in southern Africa, Zimbabwe has not seen the expansion in community radio stations that has been characteristic of the region from the 1990s. A number of community radio initiatives (CRIs) were formed after the 2001 Zimbabwean Broadcasting Services Act (BSA), but no licences we
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re ever issued in any broadcasting sector. This article argues that CRIs reflected the wider political crises of the years since 2000. Even after the Global Political Agreement of 15 September 2008, no community radio station has been licensed. Taking two case studies of such initiatives – Community Radio Harare and Radio Dialogue of Bulawayo – the article investigates how they have survived the Zimbabwean political crisis. It examines the way they lobbied for the right to broadcast and how they produced and distributed programming, and utilized so-called 'roadshows' in an environment where alternative radio stations are viewed with suspicion by ZANU PF." (Abstract)
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"This book offers a rigorous, theory-based, and uniquely comprehensive, analysis of European and international legal standards shaping minorities’ right to freedom of expression. The analysis pays particular attention to the instrumental role played by traditional and new forms of media in ensurin
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g that the right to freedom of expression of persons belonging to minorities is effective in practice. The relevant international legal framework is set out in detail, including a careful examination of the relationship between generalist and minority-specific international human rights instruments. Due attention is paid to the historical circumstances in which key instruments were developed and the contemporary context in which they are now being interpreted. The analysis is also informed by an awareness of institutional and political dynamics. All of this forms the basis for the book’s central objective: to mount a critical evaluation of the existing international legal framework governing freedom of expression for minorities, while drawing on theoretical insights gained from human rights scholarship and communications science. The first major focus of the evaluation is the regulation and restriction of expression to protect minority rights, in which issues such as pluralism, tolerance and “hate speech” feature centrally. Its second major focus, the regulation and facilitation of expression to promote minority rights, explores cultural and linguistic rights and media access questions." (Back cover)
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"This book, through five case studies in India, explores communication rights movements here. It encompasses pivotal areas of movements, such as, Right to Information, Free and Open Source Software, Women and Media, and Community Radio and Citizen Journalism. The complexity of specific agendas in In
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dia, such as, rights of women, citizen activism and role of media is analyzed while placing the subject in a broader theoretical context. The author makes a strong case of the right of people to be able to access information. He also explores processes through which ordinary citizens are able to develop spaces for self-expression; a concept synonymous with media democratization in this century. The author highlights the need to ‘localize’ communication rights struggles in those places facing real communication deficits daily." (Publisher description)
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"Severe harassment by Palestinian Authority and Hamas security forces of Palestinian journalists in the West Bank and Gaza has had a pronounced chilling effect on freedom of expression. This report documents cases in which Palestinian security forces tortured, beat, and arbitrarily detained journali
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sts, and subjected them to other forms of harassment. The report, based on interviews with Palestinian journalists, journalist syndicate representatives, and Palestinian Authority officials, focuses on seven cases in which Palestinian Authority (PA) security forces abused journalists, and documents two cases of abuse by Hamas security forces in Gaza, where the situation for journalists is also dire. Violations of journalists’ rights by Palestinian security forces are a worsening trend, both in the West Bank and Gaza. Incidents of abuse in 2010 increased by 45 percent over the previous year, according to one Palestinian rights group." (Back cover)
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"This article has aimed to open a discussion on the rethinking a neo authoritarian media system in the age of neo liberalism as a case of Turkey’s media experiences. In this context, this study deals with the media policy paradigm shift in the Republic of Turkey since 1980s. According to a recent
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report of the European Journalism Centre (2010:4); although in the wake of a recent democratization wave in the country, there have been some positive elements in the media such as sporadic emergence of some critical perspectives even in some notoriously biased media outlets, which may change this bleak picture, the structural factors which shape the media practices (ownership concentration, working conditions of the journalist, etc) are too rigid and therefore it is too early to become optimistic. In this context, some aspects of these democratization processes are taken from the candidacy of European Union. Despite these positive developments in the doorstep of the European Union, Turkey’s media experience is heavily based on ownership structure and journalistic routines are far away from the democratic media system. Therefore, Turkey’s media experiences are characterised as a sample of neo authoritarian media system with ongoing media policy transformations, for instance privatization of media companies as much as possible, breaking monopolies and the fundamental change of the public broadcasting service is in the context of media policy. This observable change depends on the two overlapping development in Turkey’s democracy. On the one hand, the landscape of national media spaces has been affected by the political and economical conditions; especially after the two financial crashes (in 2000 and 2001) Turkey’s media has followed a re-structure by means of ownership and control. On the other hand, Turkey’s media experiences have been affected by governmental changes. Before the economic crises Turkey’s democracy was governed by a coalition and after the economic crises Turkey’s government changed by the national elections in 2002. Thus this article seeks to answer two interrelated questions: Where does press freedom stand in Turkey decades after the Justice and Development Party’s policies began? And what does Turkey’s media transformation tell us about our understanding of mass political media systems? In this study by using comparative analysis, and incorporating political science literature that offers typologies of non democratic systems of governance, this article demonstrates that contemporary Turkey’s media find much in common with authoritarian regimes across the world and are not sui generis as some have argued." (Abstract)
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"Those working to develop and reform media often draw on human rights discourse, especially in areas of political violence. Yet discourse reflecting globally dominant conceptions of individually based human rights can have detrimental effects. This study illustrates how militarization and this disco
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urse of human rights can be mutually reinforcing, and explores the impact of this phenomenon on media and reform efforts. We examine as case studies the efforts to reform and develop media in the Philippines and Burma (Myanmar), both militarized states with severely constrained political discourse. As a result, media freedom and reform efforts tend to center on the safety and individual rights of journalists rather than on media as a public service, a political and social force accessible to all." (Abstract)
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"Over time the governments of Nicaragua, Venezuela, Bolivia, and Ecuador have shown a growing willingness to shrug off even the harshest criticism from usually friendly forums such as the OAS and UNESCO. As the media is forced into silence and the independence of the judiciary is weakened, there are
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fewer and fewer options to induce these governments to change their behavior [...] Despite the seeming indifference of the leaders of the Bolivarian states to how their record on press freedom is perceived internationally, it is worth noting that the governments still respond to criticism, particularly if it does not come from the United States. One of the most effective tools remains sensitivity to the perceptions of Latin American colleagues and European leaders." (Conclusions, page 29)
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"A Media Minefield details how Ugandan authorities have brought charges against over 30 journalists, revoked or suspended the broadcasting licenses of several radio stations, and practiced other forms of partisan repression of the media over the last several years. When violent riots erupted in Kamp
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ala in September 2009, the government closed four radio stations, arrested and abused a prominent talk show moderator, beat and detained journalists attempting to record the unfolding events, and banned the broadcast of open-air public debates indefinitely. The national regulatory body that carried out the radio closures and the broadcast bans is, contrary to international standards, not independent of government interference and takes punitive action against stations without any regard for due process. Authorities in rural districts subsequently echoed the government’s actions in the capital, harassing and threatening journalists with violence, arrest, or closure of their stations for reporting on politics, the opposition, and other sensitive local issues. Self-censorship due to fears of overt or covert state sanction has had a “chilling effect” on political reporting, particularly on stations broadcasting in local languages outside of Kampala." (Back cover)
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