"The very violent political crisis that convulsed Thailand in April and May 2010 had a dramatic impact on the safety of journalists and media freedom. The toll was heavy: two foreign journalists were among the 90 people killed, ten other journalists were wounded (some sustaining injuries from which
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they will never fully recover) and there was a wave of censorship and intimidation without precedent since the 1990s." (Introduction)
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"A Media Minefield details how Ugandan authorities have brought charges against over 30 journalists, revoked or suspended the broadcasting licenses of several radio stations, and practiced other forms of partisan repression of the media over the last several years. When violent riots erupted in Kamp
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ala in September 2009, the government closed four radio stations, arrested and abused a prominent talk show moderator, beat and detained journalists attempting to record the unfolding events, and banned the broadcast of open-air public debates indefinitely. The national regulatory body that carried out the radio closures and the broadcast bans is, contrary to international standards, not independent of government interference and takes punitive action against stations without any regard for due process. Authorities in rural districts subsequently echoed the government’s actions in the capital, harassing and threatening journalists with violence, arrest, or closure of their stations for reporting on politics, the opposition, and other sensitive local issues. Self-censorship due to fears of overt or covert state sanction has had a “chilling effect” on political reporting, particularly on stations broadcasting in local languages outside of Kampala." (Back cover)
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"This article analyses support for censorship in Russia as part of the democratization process. Censorship has been an important part of Russian history and it was strengthened during the Soviet era. After the collapse of the Soviet system formal censorship was banned even though the reality has bee
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n different. Therefore it is not strange that many Russians would like to limit the freedom of the media and to censor certain topics. The views of Russians on censorship have been studied on the basis of a survey carried out in 2007. According to the results, three different dimensions of censorship were found. These dimensions include moral censorship, political censorship, and censorship of religious materials. Support for these dimensions varies on the basis of socio-demographic characteristics and media use. The article concludes that many Russians reject new phenomena, while support for the censorship of political criticism is not as high, but political censorship seems to enjoy more support among elites than among the common people." (Abstract)
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"Since Turkey became a candidate for the European Union in 1999, democratic rights and freedom of expression have been key issues in discourses surrounding EU—Turkey relations. Discussions on these questions often centre on state censorship and legislative constraints. The role of the media themse
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lves, however, and the deeply-ingrained elements and historically-contingent norms and practices within public culture that shape the public sphere, have received a significantly lower level of attention. Despite recent legislative changes towards greater freedom of expression, major hurdles that limit democratic rights and freedoms persist in practice, as highlighted by the judicial trial (and the subsequent murder in January 2007) of the Armenian-Turkish journalist Hrant Dink. The police raid of Nokta magazine in 2007 is another case in point. The purpose of this article is to discuss current questions related with freedom of expression and tolerance of diversity in the Turkish media based on in-depth interviews with journalists and with the Dink and Nokta cases as examples; and to offer critical reflections on the public sphere in Turkey in its current state." (Abstract)
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"The vast majority of IFEX members say it is more difficult now than a year ago to find project funding. Half say it is more difficult now than five years ago to find project funding. The dominant source for project funding is foundations outside the country of the member. A majority of IFEX members
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also say it is more difficult now versus a year ago to raise core funding. Half say it is more difficult now versus five years ago. The dominant source for core funding is foundations outside the country of the member. Members say that half of their budgets comes from projects, and about a quarter comes from core funding. They say this is pretty much unchanged from five years ago. Open Society Institute dominates the list of funders for IFEX members - five years ago and now - with the National Endowment for Democracy figuring prominently as well. Almost all IFEX members say they face challenges in finding funding. About half say funders are requiring them to do things that they did not require five years ago. Members say that funding sources that had supported their work in the past were no longer supporting them. Five IFEX members have neither a full-time nor a part-time person for budget and finance. Twenty-two do not have anyone handling fundraising full-time." (Executive summary)
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"More than a decade and a half after independence, none of the press systems in Central Asia's five former Soviet republics are categorized as free, nor have any of these countries transitioned to democracy. The question becomes: Why have they failed to evolve into democratic nations after successfu
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lly rejecting Soviet domination and Russian colonialism? The Western-rooted development model assumes that democracy, media independence, free markets, and civil society can help establish the primary prerequisites for free and prosperous nations. However, the results of that assumption fall far short of expectations in Central Asia. Recent events provide little reason for optimism about prospects for such structural changes. This study discusses the interrelationship between press freedom and post-communist democratization. It proposes an exploratory matrix of external variables, including religion, that may help explain why press freedom has failed to materialize in Central Asia while democracy has become a reality in other parts of the former Soviet Union and in most former Warsaw Pact nations." (Abstract)
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"Os conglomerados de comunicação social no Brasil são o retrato acabado de um sistema territorialmente capilarizado e institucionalmente centralizado. A análise do panorama dos meios de comunicação no Brasil, baseada na plataforma digital do Projeto Donos da Mídia, revelou que a influência d
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ireta ou indireta das 54 redes de rádio e televisão controladas pelos por esses conglomerados atinge mais de 25% dos 9.477 veículos de comunicação identificados pelo projeto. Algumas destas organizações encabeçam um sistema marcado por cinco condicionantes: tripla concentração econômica (diagonal, vertical e horizontal), controle das redes de distribuição, penetração regional, presença histórica e relações políticas. Ao mesmo tempo, suas empresas atuam simultaneamente em quatro dimensões: econômica, política, histórica e simbólica. Quando reunidas, as duas características configuram um modelo a que se propõe chamar de Sistema Central de Mídia. Esta dissertação permitiu a identificação de dez conglomerados que ocupam tal posição. Eles controlam, direta ou indiretamente, 12 redes de televisão, 9 de rádio e 1.310 veículos de comunicação, 14% da base identificada pela pesquisa. Conhecer a forma de organização que permite às empresas de mídia conquistar e manter posições no mercado nacional parece interessar especialmente no momento em que a convergência tecnológica vem reduzindo as distâncias entre os agentes da área das comunicações do Brasil e do exterior." (Resumo)
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