"El objetivo de este documento es examinar el marco legal y jurisprudencial colombiano sobre vigilancia de comunicaciones, a la luz de las capacidades tecnológicas de hoy. Dicho a manera de hipótesis, el propósito es mostrar cómo la regulación y la jurisprudencia en materia de inteligencia no s
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e ocupan de interpretar los esquemas de vigilancia actuales para mantener vigentes los derechos que resultan afectados. Para desarrollar este objetivo, abordamos algunos puntos –escogidos con cierto nivel de arbitrariedad– de la Ley de Inteligencia: interceptación de comunicaciones, monitoreo del espectro electromagnético y acceso a datos de usuarios. Este último tema, que tomado de manera independiente merecería un estudio aparte, se desarrolla como complemento de los dos primeros. El documento está divido de la siguiente forma: el primer capítulo explica, desde el punto de vista técnico, cuáles son las tecnologías para comunicarnos y cuáles existen para vigilarnos. El segundo capítulo desarrolla el marco legal sobre vigilancia de las comunicaciones. El tercero ofrece un panorama general comparado frente a la interceptación de las comunicaciones en particular. Finalmente, el cuarto capítulo analiza lo hasta allí planteado para ofrecer algunas conclusiones." (Introducción, página 10-11)
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"Nachdem sich die Osttimoresen 1999 mit großer Mehrheit für die Loslösung von Indonesien in einem von den Vereinten Nationen durchgeführten Referendum entschieden hatten, eskalierte die Gewalt. Einher gingen die Menschenrechtsverletzungen mit einer massiven Einschränkung der Meinungs- und Press
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efreiheit. Journalisten wurden von der indonesischen Polizei am 5. und 6. September 1999 sogar gewaltsam zum Verlassen der Insel gezwungen." (Abstract)
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"Mit Platz 139 beim Press Freedom Index von Reporter ohne Grenzen rangiert Indonesien in Sachen Pressefreiheit im weit unteren Bereich des internationalen Spektrums. Innerhalb Indonesiens ist Papua die Region, aus der am häufigsten über Einschüchterungen und Angriffe gegen Journalisten berichtet
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wird. Weder ausländische Journalisten noch UN-Beobachter dürfen frei in die Konfliktregion einreisen. Der Ruf indigener Papua nach Unabhängigkeit von Indonesien, massive Militärpräsenz in der Öffentlichkeit und fast unkontrollierter Ressourcenabbau machen Papua zu einem Konfliktherd verschiedener Interessen, in dem es regelmäßig zu ernsten Menschenrechtsverletzungen kommt." (Abstract)
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"Indonesische Radiomacher stehen momentan vor zwei großen Herausforderungen: Sie kämpfen zum einen mit dem Bedeutungsverlust des Hörfunks und sehen sich zum anderen mit pressefreiheitlichen Einschränkungen konfrontiert." (Abstract)
"Indonesien richtet sein Augenmerk auf die kommende Präsidentschaftswahl 2014. Ein Faktor, der in diesem Prozess und dessen Ausgang eine große Rolle spielen könnte, ist die Medienlandschaft. Um die Bedeutung der Medien für die Förderung von Demokratie und die Vermittlung von Grundsätzen der Me
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inungsfreiheit verstehen zu können, muss man die Auswirkungen der Reformasi auf die Wahrung der Medienrechte der BürgerInnen verstehen." (Abstract)
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"Dinh Nhat Uy forderte auf Facebook die Freilassung seines inhaftierten Bruders, jetzt wurde er selbst verurteilt. Uys jüngerer Bruder Dich Nguyen Kha hatte im Frühjahr Flugblätter verteilt, in denen die Partei und die Politik der Regierung kritisiert wurden, und erhielt dafür vier Jahre Gefäng
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nis. Das Verteilen von solchen Schriften wird seit Jahren als »Propaganda gegen den Staat« eingestuft und nach Artikel 88 Strafgesetzbuch mit bis zu 20 Jahren Haft bestraft. Nun ist auch Dinh Nhat Uy für seine Beiträge auf Facebook bestraft worden – mit 15 Monaten Haft auf Bewährung. Uys Fall erregte Aufmerksamkeit in der Online-Community, denn es ist das erste Mal, dass einem vietnamesischen Aktivisten wegen seiner Kommentare in einem sozialen Netzwerk der Prozess gemacht wurde." (Abstract)
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"This report provides analysis of the 593 killings of journalists as condemned by the Director-General of UNESCO between 1 January 2006 and 31 December 2013 with an emphasis on cases which took place in 2012 and 2013. With 123 killings, 2012 constitutes the deadliest year for journalists since the r
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eport was first compiled in 2008. In 2013, the overall number of killings was 91 deaths, a decrease by a quarter compared to 2012. However, this figure still represents the second highest number of killed journalists since the report was first presented. “Traditional media” have been the most affected by fatal attacks. Print journalists constitute the largest number, with 244 journalists killed (41 percent). This is followed by journalists working in television with 154 killed (26 percent) and radio with 123 killed (21 percent). The vast majority of the 593 journalists killed over this period have been local (around 94 percent). Approximately 94 percent of all killed journalists are men. Nevertheless women journalists face specific risks in their work including sexual attacks and harassment which is not reflected in the statistics of fatal attacks. Overall, the Arab States region registered the highest number of killings of journalists at 190 deaths (32 percent) of the total. Asia and the Pacific region accounted for 179 deaths (30 percent), Latin America and Caribbean (LAC) region for 123 deaths (21 percent), African region for 76 deaths (13 percent), and Europe and the North America region for 25 deaths (4 percent)." (Summary)
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"Turkish television has undergone a distinctive transformation since the early 2000s in which new regulations, rapid market growth, and political pressures have interacted with and transformed each other. As Turkey set new records in 2013 for the highest number of journalists arrested worldwide, tel
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evision dramas have suffered from their fair share of political pressures, while the contemporary political agenda has, in turn, infiltrated the content of television dramas. This article analyzes the ways in which Turkish television dramas appear as a sphere of political contest." (Abstract)
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"This guidebook aims to give the reader an overview of the existing international media freedom measures and how they can be used. By introducing the methodology and pointing out the strengths and weaknesses, it allows the readers to better understand, judge and thus critically reflect the indices
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findings. This, in turn, enables them to ideally use and adopt the results for their own purposes. It addresses both stakeholders active in media development cooperation and journalists as well as all other people interested in this topic, such as politicians, academics or activists. The following five international and global media freedom indices will be introduced and analyzed: The Freedom of the Press Index by Freedom House; The Press Freedom Index by Reporters Without Borders; The Media Sustainability Index by the International Research & Exchanges Board (IREX); The African Media Barometer by the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung; The Media Development Indicators by UNESCO. These five measures were selected for the analysis because they are the only initiatives that evaluate media freedom internationally and on a regular basis. Strictly speaking, these indices can be further divided into two subgroups: those that claim to measure media freedom and those that aim to measure the theoretically broader concepts of media development or media sustainability. But since media freedom is a crucial component of media development and media sustainability and because in practice it is difficult to properly distinguish between the two concepts, both are included in this analysis." (Introduction, page 7)
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"El Manual tiene el propósito de presentar los contenidos principales de las recientes reformas normativas en estos temas con el objetivo de que las y los comunicadores cuenten con una herramienta de apoyo para su labor comunicativa y de difusión [...] La reforma constitucional en materia de derec
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hos humanos, que entró en vigor el 11 de junio del 2011, es un hecho trascendente en tanto reconoce y aporta al sistema de fuentes legales federales y nacionales, un sistema enriquecido con todas los intrumentos internacionales de protección de los derechos humanos, todas las disposiciones y los estándares que México ha firmado. La Ley para la Protección de Personas Defensoras de Derechos Humanos y Periodistas que dio origen al Mecanismo de Protección para Periodistas y Personas Defensoras de los Derechos Humanos, que entró en vigor el 26 de junio de 2012, es de suma relevancia en el contexto nacional actual, dado que crea un dispositivo especializado para que el Estado atienda su responsabilidad fundamental de proteger, promover y garantizar los derechos humanos de periodistas, comunicadores y defensores que se encuentran en situación de riesgo como consecuencia de su labor en la defensa y promoción de los derechos humanos, del ejercicio de la libertad de expresión y el periodismo [...] Los contenidos de este manual están organizados en cinco apartados: el primero se refiere a la Reforma constitucional en materia de derechos Humanos; el segundo a la Ley de protección para Periodistas y Personas Defensoras de los Derechos Humanos y al Mecanismo que originó; el tercero corresponde a la Reforma Constitucional en materia de Telecomunicaciones. El cuarto apartado contiene referencias de utilidad relacionadas con los temas y posteriormente de incluyen las versiones en mixe, zapoteco, mazateco y purépecha, a fin de que comunicadores/as indígenas tengan acceso a la información legislativa." (Presentación, página -6-7)
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"Consideramos que la adquisición en propiedad del grupo “Epensa” por parte del grupo empresarial “El Comercio”, en virtud de la cual este último grupo concentra ahora el 78% de la lectoría (tiraje) de los medios de comunicación escritos en el Perú, afecta seriamente la libertad de expre
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sión –en especial en el ámbito colectivo y en el aspecto de la indispensable pluralidad y diversidad de la información pública- consagrada en el artículo 13° de la Convención Americana sobre Derechos Humanos (CADH)." (Conclusiones, página 51)
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"Throughout 2014 the IFJ and EFJ have been working hand in hand with affiliates, the National Union of Journalists of Ukraine, the Independent Media Trade Union of Ukraine and the Russian Union of Journalists to support their members in the field, condemn the intimidation of journalists and manipula
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tion of media and to maintain a professional co-operation between journalists across the conflict. The unions have shown great courage and leadership and we can be very proud of their responses. We are also grateful to the support of Dunja Mijatovic, Representative on Freedom of the Media for the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe for initiating a dialogue between the journalists unions in the spring of 2014. Since then six meetings have taken place that have been vital in building the climate of trust and co-operation. The process has not been easy, there have been tensions and sometimes serious disagreements, but there has been a remarkably broad areas of agreement, both on the principles that underline our profession and on areas of practical action to support and protect our members. This handbook was one initiative from this process and attempts to document the conflict through the eyes of the journalists and the unions. It draws on the joint monitoring and reporting that was conducted by the unions to record the major incidents against journalists in Ukraine and in Russia when related to the conflict. Through a series of interviews with journalists who have been in the war zone it provides an occasionally rough but authentic voice of the reporters and their experiences. The value of proper safety training and preparation for any correspondent is a major theme with interviews packed with advice to journalists contemplating heading to the front line." (Preface)
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"Constraints imposed on the press in Fiji under the 2010 Media Decree have been compared with the system of press control in Singapore. The two systems are, however, quite different. The type of hegemonic control that has been achieved in Singapore is unlikely to be replicated in Fiji. The press in
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Singapore was brought to heel over a period of decades through regulation, including licensing, and legal intimidation in a sophisticated system that utilizes corporate control to ensure that journalists exercise self-censorship. A military dictatorship in place in Fiji since 2006 instead criminalized journalism ethics in the Media Decree and has engaged in repression and censorship of journalists. Fiji’s press system, and the regime’s attempts to control it, were the subject of intense scrutiny in advance of elections planned for September 2014." (Abstract)
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"This article utilizes new institutional theory and its principle – coercive isomorphism – to examine explicit and implicit pressures exerted on news organizations by a regional government in Russia in 2009 and 2010. The study found that while empowering regional reporters by the myth of helping
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underprivileged citizens, the authorities divert the media from scrutinizing the government. The political officials outsource media relations to media themselves, turning them into public relations agents. This mission seems to homogenize the content of regional newspapers since the government becomes the main source of information." (Abstract)
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"The aim of this report is not to question the value of supporting Internet freedom in closed societies such as Iran. Rather, the intent is to provide a picture of how difficult it is to achieve progress in such countries. In times of tightening budgets for media development work, it is worth consid
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ering where best to place one’s bets. While trying to improve access to the Internet for Iranians is a worthy goal in terms of foreign policy and human rights, it is less clear whether such efforts have had much immediate impact in improving Iran’s media landscape, or in convincing the senior leadership that Internet freedom is indeed a worthy pursuit. Looking forward, more work needs to be done to understand what kind of aid policies and approaches are most effective in societies such as Iran. Many donors would like to support the groups that are struggling to maintain open Internet access, and the immediate goal of helping Internet activists preserve some modicum of Internet freedom is clearly a worthy endeavor. The longer term goal will likely require not only preserving as many freedoms as possible now, but also a broader, more integrated program of support to the media sector that includes a combination of technical assistance and engagement with both civil society and the intelligentsia. Until such a wide engagement is possible, the outlook for freedom in Iran will likely remain gloomy." (Conclusion)
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"CPJ’s analysis of global rates of impunity in journalist killings over the past seven years shows that they have for the most part gotten worse. There are some encouraging signs in the data. The number of convictions of suspects behind these crimes appears to be slightly on the rise, but thi s nu
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mber remains small in comparison to the tally of new victims each year. At the heart of the problem is a persistent lack of political will to see justice through in the hundreds of cases in which journalists have been fatally shot, bombed, or beaten because of what they were reporting on. In the few instances it has been exercised, usually in response to mounting domestic and international pressure, there has been progress in the form of partial and, more rarely, complete justice for the victims. But the norm is for the suspected perpetrators— politicians, members of the military, and other figures with power and influence in their societies—to escape justice. This pattern particularly applies to those who commission assassinations of journalists." (Conclusion, page 36)
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