"Since its adoption on 1 July 2020, the Protection of Personal Information Act has bolstered freedom of expression and the right to privacy. This legislation aims to protect citizens’ personal information and balance the right to privacy with other rights, such as access to information. In Februar
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y 2021, the Constitutional Court upheld the 2019 High Court decision that declared certain sections of the Regulation of Interception of Communication and Provision of Communication-Related Information Act unconstitutional as they violate the right to privacy. The Act had allowed for surveillance and the interception of communication. These positive developments were hampered by the COVID-19 pandemic, which affected freedom of expression and the operating environment of the media and journalists. As in other countries, journalism was considered an essential service in South Africa, which meant that with permission, journalists could continue reporting and were exempt from restrictions that kept most of the population in lockdown. Despite this, journalists found it difficult to access information, making first-hand news-gathering difficult. The Disaster Management Act of 2002 was also applied to manage the lockdowns. Under this Act, essential workers (including journalists) were required to have permits to travel to cover stories. In addition, the government’s attempts to prevent the spread of misinformation related to COVID-19 affected the free flow of information, as information became centralised within the Covid Command Centre. This had a chilling effect on freedom of expression and media freedom in South Africa. Journalists also faced further challenges regarding access to personal protective equipment and training on reporting safely during a pandemic. COVID-19 also affected the sustainability and viability of the media. Both the structure of newsrooms and business models were disrupted. The pandemic accelerated the pre-existing and long-term structural decline in print media, resulting in a devastating impact on the already fragile operations, with significant decreases in both circulation and advertising [...]" (Summary, page 5)
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"[...] the exercise of freedom of expression remains relatively practised and differs from one region to the next. It is easier to exercise freedom of expression in big cities than in small towns or rural areas. Since 2012, Mali has been plagued by terrorist groups’ attacks from the north. The det
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erioration of the security situation, which impacts all aspects of national life, causes a climate of self-censorship, especially among media professionals, most notably in the countryside. From Ségou (centre of Mali) to the far north, community radio stations are cautious with the terms they use. Journalists systematically refuse specific programmes for fear of being physically hurt or seeing their facilities attacked. Some journalists have been kidnapped, although most are released after secret negotiations involving state security. Threats and pressures on journalists and the media do not come only from state officials. People named in investigative articles sometimes use deceptive methods to intimidate journalists. People singled out by publications also put pressure on the family of journalists to get the investigation dropped or for journalists to self-censor. Furthermore, some laws restrict freedom of expression, such as Act of 5 December 2019 on the repression of cybercrime in its articles 74, 75 and 76 ..." (Summary, page 5)
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"Trade unionists, human rights activists, journalists, dignitaries of endogenous religions, and even ordinary citizens feel threatened when exercising their right to freedom of expression. Generally, they fear prosecution cases against them being mounted by the authorities. Business people and entre
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preneurs are also targeted through fiscal pressure or unexpected controls placed on their companies. The Digital Code, passed in 2017, is a source of fear for Benin journalists. Under this code, the Central Cybercrime Repression Authority arrested journalist Ignace Sossou on 19 December 2019 at his house. At his trial, Sossou was sentenced to 12-months imprisonment, six of which he served in prison, and a fine for harassment for relaying the prosecutor’s words during a seminar on Twitter. Fear of reprisals pushes the media to practice self-censorship. Psychological pressure seems to prevent journalists from freely exercising freedom of expression. There are also fears regarding the use of social media networks. There is an explicit restriction of civic space in general, and citizens are afraid of being tapped. Due to abuse by the press and certain citizens, several provisions of the Digital Code hamper freedom of expression. This is perceived as a political manoeuvre to dampen the citizens’ desire to express themselves freely [...]" (Summary, page 5)
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"The media environment in Ukraine is complex, diverse and competitive. Most of the country’s outlets are privately owned by high-profile Ukrainians who tend to use them for political influence. However, a small number of media organizations uphold high standards of professionalism and integrity an
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d are vital for shaping domestic political and social debate. These are mostly in print and online but also include some broadcasters, such as Suspilne, and international donor-funded multimedia platforms. Ukraine has a vibrant community of media experts, activists and NGOs that monitor and analyse the sector. These individuals and organizations create development initiatives, advocate reforms and, to a certain extent, perform self-regulatory functions. Platforms for discussions among media professionals are contributing to an evolving industry culture. But they face challenges including limited authority to implement changes; unsustainable funding, often reliant on international donors; and a lack of consensus on ethical and quality standards within the media community. Many outlets provide content for free and domestic audiences are accustomed to this practice. However, there are efforts in Ukraine to encourage consumers to pay for quality content. From early 2020, the biggest media organizations began restricting free access to their output. Meanwhile, smaller independent media are offering subscription and membership models to improve their economic sustainability. The COVID-19 crisis has pushed media organizations to be more proactive in creating business models that do not solely rely on advertising. Ukraine’s media landscape is threatened by the disruption of traditional information delivery methods and consumption patterns; fake news and disinformation; a changing media economy; competition from social media and tech giants; and political turbulence and hostile actors, particularly Russia. Reforms in media regulation – in addition to those in the judiciary and law enforcement agencies – could limit the influence of media owners and protect outlets from political actors determined to attack journalists or manipulate content. Furthermore, support for sustainable revenue models, technological capacity-building and better brand recognition could focus on independent outlets that lack the resources to compete with oligarch-owned media. Improved media literacy efforts are also important for creating long-term audience demand for quality content." (Summary, page 4)
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"[This book] provides an overview of the key issues in global journalism today and traces how media systems have evolved over time in different world regions. Taking into account local context as well as technological change across media industries, the book offers an up-to-date, thorough overview o
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f media developments in all world regions embedded in their unique political, cultural and economic context. Covering theoretical foundations of global journalism, from the classic Four Theories of the Press to more nuanced media models, this text proposes a framework for studying world media systems. Contributed chapters cover a wide range of topics, including media freedom, global news cultures, professional ethics and responsibilities, and education of global journalists, as well as the role of technology and issues such as fake news, soft power and public diplomacy, foreign news reporting and international news flow." (Publisher description)
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"[...] Radio is still the region’s most popular medium, especially in rural parts of the region where the majority of the population still live. The little advertisement revenue that still goes to media houses in the region lies in the hands of very few media outlets with a national reach. Most of
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these are entertainment-focused commercial radio stations. Most of the digital media revenue from advertisers go straight into the hands of big-tech corporations like Google, Facebook and Twitter. The little that remains is shared among social media influencers and fad bloggers. Smaller radio stations and digital publications in the region have been forced to find alternative models to finance their operations. These include partnerships with development agencies, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and religious institutions. There are numerous opportunities in the digital space than those in legacy media – or traditional media (such as print and analogue broadcast media) – can still take advantage of to achieve sustainability. Paywalls, a model introduced by Kenya’s leading newspapers the Daily Nation and The Standard on their digital publications can be replicated across the region. The radio of the future will need to converge with digital media if it is to maintain its position as the most preferred medium." (Summary of findings, page 2-3)
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"With over 309 licensed radio stations, numerous public and private TV stations, and rapid growth in internet accessibility and usage, the media landscape in Uganda is dynamic, diverse, and rapidly evolving. Ugandans across the country from rural villages to urban centers are presented increasingly
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with more channels to meet their wide-ranging information needs. While radio remains the dominant medium of information for both women and men across Uganda, there remains enormous divides across the country that fuel unequal access to information and media consumption behaviors. The media sector is further challenged by poorly skilled media professionals, low quality journalism, a complex regulatory environment that is often not understood by media professionals and broadcasters, and high levels of self-censorship. The COVID-19 pandemic has both cemented the media’s position as an essential service provider, as well as challenged the sector, affecting advertising revenue, employment, the quality and quantity of content production, and the ability to meet the information needs of their audiences." (Publisher description)
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"Cette évaluation de l’écosystème de l’information vise à établir une compréhension des dynamiques de l’information dans le contexte des populations déplacées dans plusieurs localités du pays : Bangui, Paoua, Bozoum, Berberati, Sibut, Bambari, Ndélé, Kaga-Bandoro et Rafaï. Cette re
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cherche est basée sur des entretiens approfondis et des discussions de groupe focus avec des membres de la communauté des populations déplacées internes vivant dans des camps, des organisations humanitaires et de la société civile, des fonctionnaires et des professionnels, ainsi que des données quantitatives issues de deux enquêtes (face-à -face à Bangui et par téléphone à travers le pays)." (Description de la maison d'édition)
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"Uruguay es el primer paÃs del Cono Sur de América Latina en realizar una evaluación integral de su paisaje mediático utilizando los Indicadores de Desarrollo Mediatico (IDMs) de la UNESCO. Y, lo que es único de este ejercicio, es que todas las facultades de comunicación del paÃs colaboraron
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en el proceso de investigación, en alianza con la Oficina Regional de Ciencias de la UNESCO para América Latina y el Caribe. El resultado es un informe que evalúa el nivel de desarrollo de los medios de comunicación públicos, privados y comunitarios, y proporciona un exhaustivo análisis del panorama mediático del paÃs, ya sea de su marco legislativo como de su pluralidad y diversidad de medios. Si la UNESCO reedita en 2021 este estudio llevado a cabo entre 2014 y 2017 es por su utilidad en el examen del cumplimiento de las leyes, actuales o futuras, con estándares internacionales en materia de libertad de expresión, ofrenciendo una hoja de ruta para futuras reformas de legislación de medios." (Reverso)
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"Les politiques de communication au Gabon se sont construites, depuis l’Indépendance, au travers de multiples tensions entre autocratie et démocratie. Elles ont connu diverses régressions et avancées, tant dans la volonté de promotion du développement que dans le respect des droits et libert
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és. L’ouvrage d’Arthur Félicien Sabi-Djaboudi vise à contribuer à la compréhension de cette lente évolution, parcourant les périodes de décolonisation, de parti unique, de libéralisation de la vie publique jusqu’à l’actuel basculement dans les mondes numériques. La critique menée par l’auteur offre des bases non seulement pour dessiner une nouvelle configuration médiatique, mais pour redéfinir l’économie de la communication au Gabon, et refonder ainsi la communauté politique." (Dos de couverture)
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"The fifth edition [...] cuts across print, TV, film, music, radio and digital media. In the process, the book takes you through the current trends, history, business dynamics and regulation in media, and provides a glimpse into the future of each of these segments." (Back cover)
"This report documents a snapshot of media ownership in Bangladesh in late 2020 and identifies its major patterns. By no means is this report exhaustive nor does it cover all aspects of ownership of media in Bangladesh. In the absence of baseline data, our primary objective was to build one with the
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possibility of further addition and exploration. The information provided in the report should allow researchers to examine these media and others which remained outside the ambit of this report. Drawing on data about selected 32 business entities and associated 48 print and electronic media outlets, this report has shown that family ties, political affiliation and business interests largely shape the ownership patterns in the mediascape. The fact that large business groups are dominating the Bangladeshi mediascape is not a unique phenomenon. But a combination of these three factors points to an alarming picture and raises concern. These do not augur well when the legal and extralegal measures are used rampantly to curtail freedom of speech and when the democratic space is shrinking fast. The overall political environment has created a situation where the pattern of media ownership facilitates ongoing democratic backsliding. The current pattern of ownership also warrants exploration of media content. It is necessary to examine whether the extent of the monopoly of the few groups over the industry and the incumbent government's politics impact media content." (Concluding remarks, page 26)
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"The Nigerian media scene is notably vibrant, which can be perceived as a democratization of communication and liberalization of the press where anyone with the means to own a media establishment can do so. Thus, the challenge with the Nigerian media is no longer the issue of access but, rather, tha
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t of accountability, which, undoubtedly, is the strong anchor for good media practice. This chapter examines the field of media accountability (MA) in the country, focusing on the structures that define accountability among media practitioners in addition to taking a look at emerging innovative practices that encourage MA. The authors argue that MA exists in Nigeria but is in a continuous struggle with such militating factors as ownership, insufficient press freedom, poor or inadequate remuneration for journalists, a hostile working environment for journalists, lack of formal education/training on the part of some journalists, weak self-regulatory mechanisms, and biases in political and cultural environments. These factors tend to limit the extent to which media practitioners can be committed to accountability." (Abstract)
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"This paper investigates the dynamic relationship between hybrid media and hybrid politics in Lebanon and Tunisia. While previous research on the media in hybrid regimes has mainly focused on regime strategies of restricting and manipulating public debate, our analysis moves beyond repression. We ar
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gue that the ambiguities of hybrid politics, which combines democratic and authoritarian elements, not only constrain independent and critical reporting but also open up opportunities for journalistic agencies. We draw on Schedler’s concept of informational uncertainty to capture the epistemological instability of hybrid regimes and the strategies of political actors to control public knowledge. Distinguishing between three dimensions of media hybridity - economic, cultural and technological - we show how the new hybrid media environment significantly increases the volatility of hybrid politics and informational uncertainty for political actors. Our empirical analysis is based on seventy-one semistructured interviews with journalists in Lebanon and Tunisia conducted between 2016 and 2019. The material reveals a broad range of strategies used by journalists who employ the internal contradictions of hybrid politics to pursue their own agenda. The comparison between Lebanon and Tunisia also highlights contextual conditions that enable, or limit, journalistic agency, such as clientelistic dependencies, economic resources, and civil society alliances." (Abstract)
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"Previous research finds that journalist killings are more likely to occur in democracies rather than non-democracies. While these results provide an important first step in exploring regime type's effect on journalist's safety, they assume no variation in how long countries have remained a regime t
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ype. In this paper, I argue that as a country's regime type endures, the likelihood of seeing journalists killed for their work will decrease. My theory also examines the process in different regime types and argues that this effect should hold for autocracies and anocracies, but not democracies vertical bar though democratic consolidation should decrease journalist killings there. Using an original sample of journalists killed for their professional work in countries worldwide from 1992 to 2014, I evaluate my theory using regression and survival analyses and find evidence that as regime types endure, journalist killings decrease, on average. As expected, the result holds for autocracies and anocracies but not democracies. However, the data show democratic consolidation does decrease journalist killings. The results provide a broader understanding of the working dynamics between regime type and journalists' safety in a country's media system." (Abstract)
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"As the most widespread and popular form of communication in the country, radio occupies an essential space in the deliberation and the construction of public opinion in South Africa. From just a few state-controlled stations during the apartheid era, there are now more than 100 radio stations, reac
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hing vast swathes of the population and providing an important space for citizens to air their views and take part in significant socio-economic and political issues of the country. The various contributors to this book demonstrate that whilst print and television media often serve elite interests and audiences, the low cost and flexibility of radio has helped it to create a ‘common’ space for national dialogue and deliberation. The book also investigates the ways in which digital technologies have enhanced the consumption of radio and produced a sense of imagined community for citizens, including those in marginalised communities and rural areas." (Publisher description)
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