"On the surface, Namibia’s stellar reputation as the beacon of media freedom remains intact, but the role of the Fourth Estate in speaking truth to power is gradually being eroded as state officials become increasingly intolerant of the media in Namibia. The perceptible decline in the media landsc
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ape is evidenced by the intimidatory tactics the state has been using to discourage journalists from reporting on certain issues [...] Namibia’s legal and policy framework offers strong protection for freedom of expression and media freedom through Article 21 of the constitution. This is further bolstered by Article 144 of the constitution on international law, which automatically incorporates regional and international protocols, agreements and treaties signed and ratified by the Namibian government into the domestic legal system. However, commitment to the notions contained in these regional and international protocols and conventions seems to be solely on paper ..." (Summary, page 5)
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"Esta publicación presenta información sobre el mercado actual de los medios de comunicación en El Salvador, sobre cómo la población percibe estos medios y cuáles son los hábitos de la audiencia en el consumo de la información. Además, ofrece recomendaciones para mejorar la viabilidad de lo
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s medios [...] Los resultados presentados abajo se refieren a las respuestas obtenidas de las 1074 personas que participaron en la encuesta. Los periódicos digitales y las redes sociales son los medios más preferidos para informarse, seguidos por la televisión. Las notas nacionales, internacionales y de política son la información más consumida. Un 68.5 por ciento manifiesta leer noticias varias veces al día; ocho de cada diez no tienen preferencia en cuanto al día. El celular es el dispositivo preferido para leer noticas con el 73 por ciento de respuestas. Los medios más consumidos son El Faro, La Prensa Gráfica y El Diario de Hoy. La televisora mejor posicionada en el ranking es TCS. El periódico más confiado es El Faro. Las principales razones para confiar en un medio son la imparcialidad, objetividad y su capacidad de investigar y transmitir noticias reales. El Faro, Gato Encerrado y Revista Factum son considerados los más independientes de grupos de poder político o económico, aunque 16.4 por ciento opina que ningún medio es independiente." (Resumen ejecutivo, página 4-6)
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"Este artículo forma parte de las investigaciones sobre la concentración de la radio y la televisión en El Salvador y sus efectos en la construcción de lo nacional. Frente a la dependencia cultural, la televisión en El Salvador experimenta cambios en los flujos de su programación. Cada vez exi
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ste una tendencia a incrementar la producción local frente a la internacional; sin embargo, las mediciones de rating demuestran que la concentración de audiencia sigue favoreciendo a las industrias creativas globales en alianzas con las locales. En un escenario de transformaciones de los consumos de la televisión, emerge la necesidad de competir con más horas de producción propia, pero los datos demuestran que las posibilidades de una propuesta con identidad, frente a la foránea, se encuentran en la periferia de las corporaciones nacionales, lo que también pone en evidencia lo que en otros estudios identifican como la falta de políticas públicas para la radio y la televisión." (Resumen)
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"Este libro se lee con mucha facilidad y nos describe con gran amplitud y rigurosidad investigativa ese paisaje mediático de la ciudad, donde conviven la expresión pública, la comercial y la comunitaria. Es un texto que nos cuenta que la radio sigue vigente y muy presente en la vida de la gente,
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pero igualmente advierte que ella existirá y será más fuerte mientras hable menos y escuche más a su audiencia." (Óscar Pérez, Página 6)
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"L’État peine à protéger les journalistes. Les attaques contre eux sont fréquentes et leurs auteurs sont rarement traduits en justice. Une insécurité qui renforce la précarité des journalistes, par ailleurs peu rémunérés, pas toujours formés, et souvent contraints d’exercer simultan
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ment d’autres activités professionnelles. Cette étude présente des éléments à la fois quantitatifs et qualitatifs significatifs : Le réseau de la téléphonie mobile se démarque par sa pleine expansion qui, de 6 % en 2006, atteint aujourd’hui près de 95% de la population. De deux chaînes en 1986, la Télé Haïti et la Télévision Nationale d’Haïti (TNH), le pays est passé à environ 150 chaines aujourd’hui. En 2016, l’organe de régulation a recensé 697 stations de radio sur la bande FM dont 350 illégales. Dans le département de l’ouest, le cadran est saturé à hauteur de 158%. De nombreux facteurs concourent à entraver l’accès à l’information de tous les groupes sociaux. L’absence de statut légal place les radios communautaires dans une grande précarité. Des organisations de la société civile travaillent activement à rendre visible les groupes marginalisés et à élargir leur accès à l’information." (Résumé exécutif)
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"In a country like Ethiopia which is rich in languages, politics, cultures, and values and which experiences an exponentially growing population, media and the access to plural information is crucial for peace and development. This study finds, however, that the number of media and the diversity of
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their contents have not grown commensurate with the country’s character, while public trust also remains low. The independent journalism and media self-regulation are also in their early stages. This country report formulates data-driven, context-specific, and actionoriented recommendations to the government, journalism schools, civil society organizations, development partners and the media to achieve a strong Ethiopian media landscape that is supportive of freedom of expression and journalist safety, as well as conducive to the development of free, independent, and pluralistic media." (Back cover)
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"Esta Guía del Panorama de los Medios brinda una instantánea de los medios en Colombia, incluidas las audiencias, los productores, las preferencias de los diferentes grupos de la comunidad, la cultura de las comunicaciones y los idiomas asociados con los medios. Da una idea del papel de los medios
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en el trabajo de desarrollo, el alistamiento para crisis, los desastres recientes y (al momento de escribir este artículo) respuesta continua al COVID-19. La guía también brinda una descripción general de cada sector de los medios, incluidos los medios digitales y sociales, la radio, la televisión, la prensa y otras formas tradicionales de comunicación masiva. Cabe señalar que, dada la naturaleza en constante cambio del panorama de los medios, esta no es una descripción general completa de todos los medios y plataformas, sino más bien un resumen instantáneo de los más relevantes en el momento de escribir este artículo." (Introduccíon)
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"In the mid-1990s, the Taliban took control of Afghanistan for the first time. They banned photography, TV, music, and all forms of entertainment. Soon after, the Taliban banned the internet in early 2001, and then-Foreign Minister Mawlavi Wakil Ahmad Muttawakil famously stated, “We want to establ
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ish a system in Afghanistan through which we can control all those things that are wrong, obscene, immoral, and against Islam.”
After being dislodged from Afghanistan following the 2001 U.S. intervention, however, the Taliban’s approach to media changed dramatically. Over the course of the movement’s two-decade insurgency, the Taliban developed a complex media strategy that contributed significantly to its rapid military advance and takeover of Afghanistan by August 2021. Since then, their media strategy has shifted again as the movement attempts to transition from insurgency to a governing body. As such, the Taliban’s current strategy builds on the ideological foundation from the 1990s combined with a continuation of certain tactics and approaches adopted during two decades of insurgency. This article divides the Taliban’s media strategy into three phases accordingly: the movement’s first period of rule from 1996 to 2001, the 2001-2021 insurgency, and their return to power following the fall of Kabul in August 2021. It discusses each phases’ distinct characteristics, shared aspects with other phases, and what the evolution in the Taliban’s media strategy reveals about the future trajectory of the information environment in Afghanistan." (Page 1)
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"Media, during Taliban five years period from 1996–2001, had been totally suffocated. Only limited number of print media would publish to spread the propaganda of Taliban Emirate under Sharia Law. Post-Taliban era, media landscape obtained new image with the establishment of democratic government.
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Independent media were allowed to operate in accordance with the formation of new constitution of 2004. Since the two decades of war after 9/11, media have still been maintaining its responsibility in Afghanistan to rise and promote the voice of right, equality and justice, defend human rights and spread public awareness in order to serve for social responsibilities. Despite continued challenges media outlets and journalists have made tremendous progress which it has resulted in harm of their personal life from time to time due to threats of insecurity, war, warlords, strongmen, corrupted actors in government as well as in attacks of Taliban and ISIS insurgents. Hence, media outlets and journalists have been carrying on their responsibilities despite of availed risks to them and their families. In this paper, it has been viewed the status of media freedom, process of development and continued challenges to media freedom and journalists." (Abstract)
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"International assistance actors have played an important role in supporting media reforms in Ukraine. Their long-term, continuous efforts planted the seeds for groundbreaking media environment changes during Ukraine’s democratic transition. International donors’ sustained engagement in Ukraine
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laid the groundwork for the major transitions, primarily by facilitating the emergence and development of the vibrant and powerful local civil society. Notwithstanding the prolonged periods of “lost hope” and stagnation, which might have discouraged some other activists from policy development and advocacy, Ukrainian CSMOs have managed to pursue their strategic priorities even under challenging circumstances and quickly consolidated their efforts at a crucial moment in Ukraine’s modern history — right in the aftermath of the Revolution of Dignity, in the spring of 2014. Ukrainian CSOs were ready and courageous enough to step in when the state and its institutions were extremely weakened and to assume their roles in certain fields. Both the CSMOs and donors jumped at the opportunity presented by the revolution: several innovative media reforms, which had been drafted and redrafted over many years, were adopted in a matter of few weeks in the spring of 2014. That success would have been impossible without the preparatory work done during the preceding years." (Conclusion, page 20)
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"The book traces communication in Nigeria back to pre-colonial indigenous communication, through the development of telecommunication, broadcasting networks, the press, the Nigerian flm industry (‘Nollywood’) and on to the digital era. At a time when Western voices still dominate the academic li
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terature on communication in Africa, this book is noteworthy in drawing almost exclusively on the expertise of Nigeria-based authors, critiquing the discipline from their own lens and providing an important contribution to the decolonisation of communication studies. The authors provide a holistic analysis of the sector, encompassing print journalism, broadcast journalism, public relations, advertising, flm, development communication, organisational communication and strategic communication. Analysis of the role of digital technologies is woven throughout the book, concluding with a fnal section theorising the future of communication studies in Nigeria in light of the digital media revolution." (Publisher description)
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"Using the coup as a vantage point, interviewees for this report were asked to reflect on three main questions: What have we learned about past media reform efforts? With hindsight, what are the legacies, best practices, and lessons learned? With a view to the future, what does the media’s respons
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e to the coup teach us about reform and resilience? One of the important lessons their collective reflections and analysis show is that over the past decade the media assistance approach in Burma should have been more strategic, nuanced, grassroots driven, flexible, and inclusive, with a greater focus on opportunities to support local initiatives, coalitions, and actors. Other important lessons learned concern risks and security, including the importance of digital security literacy and mechanisms, as well as building widespread capacity in volatile contexts with greater risk of repression." (Conclusion)
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"This book provides a comprehensive approach of the media, journalism and politics in Sub-Saharan Francophone Africa. The author argues that there are common features that the media and journalism share in the seventeen countries of Francophone Africa and these make the local media systems different
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from what they are in neighboring English-speaking African countries, and in the rest of the world. The approach of the media in French-speaking Africa has not only to be “de-Westernized”, but also to step out of general overviews considering “African media." This project shows the historical, political, economic and sociological characteristics of the media systems of seventeen French-speaking countries of Africa." (Publisher description)
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"Media systems have changed significantly as a result of the development of information technologies. However, typologies of media systems that incorporate aspects of digitalization are rare. This study fills this gap by identifying, operationalizing, and measuring indicators of media systems in the
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digital age. We build on previous work, extend it with new indicators that reflect changing conditions (such as online news use), and include media freedom indicators. We include 30 countries in our study and use cluster analysis to identify three clusters of media systems. Two of these clusters correspond to the media system models described by Hallin and Mancini, namely the democratic-corporatist and the polarized-pluralist model. However, the liberal model as described by Hallin and Mancini has vanished; instead, we find empirical evidence of a new cluster that we call “hybrid”: it is positioned in between the poles of the media-supportive democratic-corporatist and the polarized-pluralist clusters." (Abstract)
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"The halting progress of the Tunisian media reform reflects the uncertainty and vulnerability of the political reform. As Professor of Communication and Democracy Katrin Voltmer contends, emerging media systems are unique types that are a blend of inherited structures, the constraints of the transit
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ions, and the reform movement’s choices. The new Tunisian media system retains features of the old regime while embedding the contradictions and struggles that paint the emerging political system. Eleven years after the Jasmine Revolution, the media reform is still governed by ambiguity, having turned into a field of political struggle between progressive and conservative forces and their allies. The president’s recent move to suspend the parliament and his highly controversial referendum on a new constitution granting him extraordinary powers, which passed following an unprecedented level of low turnout, have plunged the democratic consolidation process into turmoil. Sharp divisions have emerged between Saeid’s supporters and opponents, exacerbating uncertainty and ambiguity." (Conclusion)
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"The media reform process in Ethiopia’s political transition has made significant improvements to the policy, legal, and regulatory frameworks. If institutionalized and implemented with robust stakeholder engagement, the reform could help build a sustainable, vibrant, independent, and viable media
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business environment essential to democratic consolidation. The task, however daunting, has shown the resolve of state and nonstate actors to work collaboratively in spite of staunch differences to reach compromised solutions and build consensus on important media reform issues. That volunteer legal and media experts have spearheaded a participatory legislative and regulatory reform process will help instill a democratic culture, which would be instrumental in operationalizing a sector-wide self-regulatory mechanism and capacity-building efforts to professionalize the sector. Ethiopia’s political transition has been rather bumpy and full of crises that have threatened progress—a situation that should be expected to continue into the future." (Conclusion, page 21)
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"[...] almost all the media experts interviewed in the study identified “political and legal system,” “public attitude and relationship to media,” and “economic and ownership situation” to be the top three biggest obstacles to news media viability in Ethiopia. In fact, almost four-fifth
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of the respondents voted for “politics” to be ranked the biggest obstacle, while two-third voted for “public attitude and relationship to media,” and half of the experts cited “economic and ownership situation,” to be in the top three viability obstacles in the Ethiopian media environment. Experts understandably identified “political and legal system” as the most constricting challenge to news media institutions in Ethiopia since most of the problems faced by the media, or at least those in news headlines, were with the authorities and the law. However, subsequent scoring of the media viability indicators and aggregation of those scores to drive meaning has crystalized the fact that the most severe media viability challenges to the Ethiopian news media come not from “political and legal system,” or “economic and ownership situation,” but “technological situation of the country” and “general quality of content”. (Conclusion and recommendations, page 43)
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